
COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



/ 




Our at or 
Ti eld O olu.mlo ian 



A.- S • Gove^ 




Passenger Department • AtCnison 
Topeka • (Si Santa Fe> • Ra.ilway3ystem 
15th Thousand — — ~~ - 1^03 



THE LIBRARY OF 

CONGRESS, 

l wo Copies R«ceiveo 

AUG 1* 1903 

Cop>nfcn\ tntry 
CLASS) 0l XXc.No 

jt r l> o (, 

COPY B. 



Copyright, 1903- 
By Geo. T. Nicholson. 



Table of Contents 



I. Introduction to the Southwest 7 

II. Southwest Peoples, Tribes and Linguistic Stocks 21 

III. Three Southwestern Industries 29 

IV. Upper Rio Grande Pueblos 41 

V. Homes of the Ancients 53 

VI. Lower Rio Grande Pueblos 67 

VII. The Western Keresen Pueblos 79 

VIII. Zuni and the Seven Cities of Cibola 93 

IX. To Hopiland, Province of Tusayan 101 

X. Domestic Life of the Hopi 111 

XI. The Hopi at Worship 121 

XII. Hopi Ceremonies 129 

XIII. Flute, Antelope and Snake Ceremonies 139 

XIV. Ancient Home of the Hopi 157 

XV. The Navaho 165 

XVI. The Apache . . r 177 

XVII. Tribes of the Yumari and Piman Stock 193 

XVIII. Tribes of Southeastern California 205 

Bibliography 217 



3 



Preface 



Tired, but satisfied with our journey, on December 19, 1899, 
Mr. Higgins, the late lamented Assistant General Passenger 
Agent of the Santa Fe, and I boarded the east-bound train at 
Winslow, Arizona. We had returned from a memorable ten 
days' excursion into Hopiland. As we traversed for two days 
the broad stretch between Winslow and Chicago, our conversa- 
tion, naturally, was of the Southwest, of its wonders, of the 
colors of its desert, of its atmosphere so pure that one can almost 
see into the beyond, of its ruins of ancient cities, of its Pueblos 
of to-day, conservative, proud, independent, mysterious. 

This was not my first journey, either to Hopiland or through 
the Southwest. And so, too often I found myself attempting 
to reply to the questions poured out in endless succession by 
my companion. By the time we had reached Chicago I had 
promised Mr. Higgins that I would attempt for him the prepara- 
tion of an account of this land of which we were both so fond, 
explaining in popular manner the character of its peoples, and 
pointing out how they and their ruins might most easily be 
visited. The sketch, we mutually agreed, should be accom- 
panied by many photographs, which would present character- 
istic views, and by one or more maps whereupon might be seen 
the linguistic relationship of living peoples and the routes by 
which these peoples might be reached. 

Since that visit, in 1899, I have paid other visits to the South- 
west, but the fulfilment of the promise made at that time has 
been delayed from season to season. In August, 1901, on the 
occasion of the weird snake ceremonies, it was my good fortune 
again to visit the Hopi, this time in company with Mr. Higgins' 
successor, and with him the subject was renewed and the prom- 
ise reiterated, with this paper on The Indians of the Southwest 
as the result. 

If we may better understand civilized man of to-day by a 
knowledge of man in more primitive conditions, then surely the 
Southwest forms a field, not only to scientific students but to all 
who have a broad interest in mankind, second to that presented 
by no other region in the world. 

5 



Part of Line of Ponca Sun Dancers, July, 1902. 




Introduction to the Southwest 




Journey Begun — Plains Tribes of Oklahoma - Kaw - Tonkawa - Osage - 
Ponca and Oto — Pawnee — Sauk and Fox — Kickapoo, Shawnee and 
Pottawatomie — Cheyenne and Arapaho — To New Mexico 

Y the Unlimited we may leave Chicago at 10 o'clock 
in the evening of any day, for the Unlimited runs 
seven times a week. There is also the Limited, 
a train de luxe, which makes better time; but 
there is something incongruous in the very 
name "Limited" with the vastness of this out-of- 
doors country; hence, in our journey of observa- 
tion among the aborigines, I have chosen that we shall use 
the schedule of the all-comers train — No. i, as it is called on 
the official calendar. 

The impedimenta of the journey need not be extensive — - 
any old clothes and change. Silver will be required, and we 
had better provide ourselves with it along the line of the rail- 
road, for the supply on hand in the till of the Indian trader is 
usually small. There was a time when the journey along the 
line of the old Santa Fe trail demanded an outfit, with a wagon 
and mules; but while an "outfit" may be found useful in some 
of the later stages of the journey, the subject will receive no 
further consideration at present. 

With the understanding that we are to leave Chicago to-night, 
we may expect to find ourselves along in the afternoon of 



Haskell Institute, Indian School, Lawrence, Kansas. 



to-morrow in just about the center of Kansas. To one seeking 
evidences of America's former denizens there is very little* in 
Kansas at the present day to remind him that we are now in the 
midst of the home of the Great Plains Tribes, and that over this 
country, less than fifty years ago, ranged bands of Cheyenne, 
Arapaho, Kiowa, Pawnee, Osage and other tribes of Indians. 
In fact, from anything we may see from the car window to-day, 
the inference might be drawn that these tribes have ceased to 
exist. Such an inference, however, would not be true, though 
the country is so thickly settled and so entirely given up to 
agricultural pursuits that it is difficult to believe that over 
these broad prairies was formerly the home of many tribes well 
known to history. Such were the Oto, Missouri and Kaw in 
northeastern, the Cheyenne and Arapaho in western, the Kiowa 
in southwestern and the Osage in southeastern Kansas. If 
we were to leave the main line of the Santa Fe at Newton we 
would find ourselves in the midst of a territory which has been 
the scene of many a conflict among the Pawnee, the Kiowa, 
the Osage and the Kaw, who found in this region a debatable 
and hence a fighting ground. Should we take the branch of 
the Santa Fe System which, starting at this point, turns directly 
south, passing through Wichita, extending across the Territory 
of Oklahoma, and continuing on through Fort Worth to Gal- 
veston, we should rind lying along both sides of this division 
many tribes of Indians which, contrary to the popular belief, 




Chilocco Indian Industrial School, Oklahoma. 



are not only interesting to the student of ethnology, but which 
retain a vast number of old-time customs and ceremonies of the 
greatest interest to the tourist. 

Kaw or Kansa 

Leaving Newton early in the morning, we have passed into 
Oklahoma, where before noon we may break the journey at 
Kildare, whence a stage ride of thirteen miles brings us to 
the agency of the Kaw, numbering to-day some two hundred 
people. These Indians form a minor division of the great 
Siouan stock, which has left such an impress upon the early 
history of the West. The Kaw to-day receive regular annuities 
from the Government in payment of land, and hence are able 
to afford many luxuries. In spite of this purchased veneer 
of civilization, they still construct their old-time brush lodges 
and summer arbors and continue many of their dances. 

Tonkawa 

Back to the railroad again, we take the train for Ponca, 
seven miles south of Kildare, where, within twelve miles, are 
the remnant of the Tonkawa. The Tonkawa are interesting 
for two reasons. In the first place, the language which they 
speak is unlike any other tongue of aboriginal America, and 
they form consequently a distinct linguistic stock. In the 
second place, they were in former times one of the extremely 
few bands of North American Indians which practiced can- 
nibalism. Some of them still occupy the dome-shaped grass 
houses, and many ceremonies survive. 



Osage 

Ponca is also at the head of an interestin 
about seventy miles in length, leading to 
Pawhuska, the chief city of the Osage. 
The road passes through the sub-agency 
at Gray Horse, and extends over half the 
distance across the Osage nation, Paw- 
huska being situated near the center of the 
reservation. 

The Osage are popularly known as the 
aristocrats of American Indians, and it 



stage route, 




A Ponca Tipi. 



requires only a very superficial acquaintance with them to 
realize that the}' have long been accustomed to the posses- 
sion of considerable quantities of money. In Pawhuska 
we are many times afforded the incongruous sight of a 
stalwart Osage, his feet incased in moccasins, his body wrapped 
in a blanket, his shaven head uncovered, driving into town with 
his entire family in a comfortable modern carriage. Never- 
theless, the Osage still form an extremely conservative nation, 
man3 T of them living in summer in the old elliptical brush houses. 
They are famous dancers and horse racers, and during man}^ 
months of the year gather in camps where dances of many 
varieties are prolonged far into the night, and where the}' play 
native games and sing songs of a former age and "smoke away" 
ponies. 

The Osage having had in recent } T ears an abundance of the 
good things of this life, never became interested to any great 
extent in the so-called Messiah or Ghost Dance religion which 
eleven years ago spread with such rapidit}^ among the plains 
tribes. One band, however; has recently taken up the peyote 
or mescal rites which they borrowed from the Kiowa. Parts 
of the Osage country are hilly and extremely wild and pictur- 
esque. Game is to be found in profusion. 

Ponca and Oto 

Returning to Ponca, we again travel south by train and find 
within easy distance, and reached respectively from White 
Eagle and Red Rock stations, the two agencies of 
the Ponca and Oto, who together own large sec- 
tions of land in Noble county. These two tribes are 
\ also members of the great Siouan family, and preserve 
its conservative traditions, as they still retain 
many wild and savage dances and occupy the tipi 
or brush houses and dugouts for a considerable 
portion of the year. Among them also the medicine 
man still performs his magic rites of healing, and 
among the former tribe the so-called Sun Dance is 
performed in August of each year. 



Pawnee 

Continuing south by train, we next 
stop at Guthrie, the capital of the Ter- 
ritory, where, by a ride of seventy- 
three miles on a branch road of the 
Santa Fe ; we reach the city of Pawnee. 
This ride of three hours is, in part, 
at least, one of the most pleasant to be 
found in the Territory. The road fol- 
lows the tortuous course of the Cimar- 
ron River, passing through great groves 
of cottonwoods and forests of pecan 
trees, to which, late in the autumn, 
after the leaves have fallen, great 
clusters of mistletoe cling. Smoke Offering, Pawnee Medicine 

One would hardly suspect from the Men's Ceremony. 

appearance of the modern and enter- 
prising young city of Pawnee that there is in its neighborhood 
all that remains of a once great nation. Although broken 
in spirit and dwindled in numbers to a scant six hundred, 
we find the Pawnee well worthy of a visit. Their struggle 
against the encroachment of a new and strange civilization 
which has surrounded and hemmed them in is one of the most 
remarkable made by any tribe in America. 

The Pawnee still retain their four tribal divisions, and near 
the city are the Skidis or Pawnee Loups, the Chaui or Grand 
Pawnee, the Kitkehahki or Republican Pawnee, and the 
Pitahauerat or Tapage Pawnee. Of course, these tribes have 
long since been allotted quarter sections of land, but the Pawnee, 
like his other brothers of the plains, was by birth a hunter and 
a warrior, and the process of converting him into a farmer has 
been one of extreme difficulty. 

To speak of only a few of the many interesting features 
of the Pawnee would transcend the limits of this section. They 
are among the most conservative of all the tribes, and retain 
a vast number of customs and rites which make them worthy 
a visit. Here may be seen one of the great earth lodges, 
the most remarkable structure produced by the primitive 
Indians of any part of the United States. Gathered around 
the earth lodge they camp in tipis, where they still indulge in 

11 




native games and dances, and where still exist many ancient 
ceremonies, with elaborate rituals. 

Sauk and Fox, Kickapoo and Shawnee 

To visit the tribes south of the Pawnee and to the east of 
the main line of the Wichita and Fort Worth division of the 
Santa Fe, one may retrace his steps from the town of Pawnee 
to Ripley, lying about half way between Pawnee and Guthrie, 
where he is within short driving distance of the northern of 
the two bands of the Sauk and Fox Indians. 

The journey may be continued from this point, by rail, 
southward across Lincoln county to the town of Shawnee, 
passing en route the southern band of the Sauk and 
Fox. 

From Shawnee the camps of the Kickapoo, Shawnee and 
Pottawatomie are easily reached. 

The four tribes just named all belong to the great Algon- 
quian linguistic family, one of the largest and most widely 
distributed of all aboriginal families on the American Con- 
tinent. The Indians first encountered by the Pilgrim Fathers 
in Massachusetts were members of this great stock. Although 
these tribes now occupy farm lands and are outwardly civi- 
lized, they all retain many old customs and manners. Thus 
one may still see the Sauk and Fox dwelling in their old- 
fashioned elongated lodges covered with mats, or the 
shorter but still elongated rush lodges of the Kickapoo. 
Many of their ancient games have been preserved, 
along with a number of religious ceremonies which are 
still performed on stated occasions during the year. 
In a tour of observation such as has been pointed 
out one may gain an idea of the manner in which the 
Indians lived in the territory east of the Mississippi 
before the advent of the whites. 

Returning to Oklahoma City and continuing 
on the same train to El Reno, we are within easy 
driving distance of several large and important 
tribes. 



12 




'ox Chief. 



Cheyenne and Arapaho 

Five miles to the northwest of El Reno is the Agency of 
the Cheyenne and Arapaho, who have their claims along the 
North Fork and the Canadian River, extending westward 
more than sixty miles. The Cheyenne and Arapaho both speak 
dialects of the great Algonquian tongue and have been close 
friends since before the dawn of written history. Both tribes 
are extremely conservative. Although friends and allies, both 
in peace and in war, and although they are so closely allied in 
their language, they present many points of difference in char- 
acter. The Cheyenne have always been noted for their proud 




Cheyenne in Dance Costume. 



and dignified bearing, for their honesty, for their truthfulness, 
fearlessness, and for the morality of their women. In their 
early conflict with the whites they left behind them a trail of 
blood in their attempt to escape the mantle of civilization 
which the Government finally thrust upon them. In physique 
they present a striking and commanding appearance, second to 
no other tribe as specimens of the noblest physical type which 
North America produced. The Arapaho, equally striking in 
physique, have never presented a hostility to the whites com- 
parable with that of the Cheyenne; nor are they so reserved 
or haughty in bearing. 

13 



Both of these tribes still retain the conical tipi, the brush 
wind-break and the summer arbor. They are still accustomed 
to gather as a nation, during the summer, in one great camp 
pitched in the form of an immense circle, in the center of which 
is the great lodge of cottonwood poles, where they perform the 
rites of the so-called Sun Dance. 

The Sun Dance is the great ceremony of practically all of 
the Plains Tribes; but, in spite of its repeated observance by 
the whites, its true character has rarely been understood, and 
on the majority of reservations its celebration has been pro- 
hibited by the Department of Indian Affairs. 

Close examination of this ceremony reveals the fact that 
it is a dramatization of the ritual of the origin of Creation. 
It is a purely religious ceremony, during the performance of 
which traditional sacred songs are sung and many prayers are 
offered to the Great Father for spiritual and temporal blessings. 
It is one of the few ceremonies which bring the entire tribe 
together, and during the performance of which all personal 
animosities and jealousies are laid aside. That it has come 
under the ban of the government is due largely to the fact 
that in former times there was a certain amount of torture in 
connection with the ceremony, and to the further fact that 
the Sun Dance was often a preliminary to war. 




Half of Line of Dancers, Arapaho Sun Dance. 



14 



Kiowa Camp, near Ft. Sill. 



The Sun Dance is still given during one of the summer 
months by both Cheyenne and Arapaho, and so firmly con- 
vinced are the chiefs of both tribes of the value of this cere- 
mony as a power for good, that it seems likely it will continue 
to be given for many years. 

Among both Cheyenne and Arapaho the religion of the 
Messiah a few years ago made great advance, and one may 
still witness from time to time on this reservation the interesting 
Ghost Dance. 

By rail from El Reno to Chickasha is but an hour's run, 
where we are within easy distance of the Kiowa-Comanche- 
Apache and the Wichita reservations. Farms have been 
allotted to these Indians and the remaining lands thrown open 
to settlement. Both reservations are most easily reached by 
taking a branch road from Chickasha to Anadarko, less than 
twenty miles. South of this newly made city lies the great 
Kiowa-Comanche- Apache Reservation, where we may find 
over a thousand Kiowa and nearly fifteen hundred Comanche, 
with two hundred Apache, who, with the incorrigible Geronimo, 
were taken to this reservation by United States troops. 

Kiowa 

This tribe has long been known for its fierce and savage 
raids, made, up to within thirty years ago, north through 

15 




Kiowa Woman and 
Child. 



Kansas and into Nebraska, south through Texas, 
west into New Mexico, and southwest far into Old 
Mexico. 

Of the dignity or honesty of the Kiowa not much 
may be said. They are among the most typical of 
the Plains Indians; roaming from place to place, 
often on the warpath and never at rest, they have 
been aptly termed "the Bedouins of the Plains." 
They are peculiar in that so far as is known they 
have no linguistic connection with any other race, 
forming within themselves a distinct linguistic 
family. The Sun Dance is a sacred ceremony 
among the Kiowa. 

Comanche 

This once mighty and warlike tribe still exists in a 
numerous band on this great reservation, but has 
lost not only all of its former ferocity, but practic- 
ally all of its old-time customs. The Comanche 
are interesting to the student of ethnology, inasmuch as they 
speak a dialect of the Shoshonean tongue, their true home 
being on the oases of the great plateau extending from the 
western foothills of the Rocky Mountains to the eastern slopes 
of the Sierra Nevada. The Comanche, however, have become 
true Plains people, like the Kiowa, with whom they have 
been closely confederated for many generations. 



Wichita 

Just north of the Washita River, 
which forms its southern boundary, 
is the Wichita Reservation, where 
we find, in addition to several small 
tribes, two large groups of Indians 
comprising the larger part of the so- 
called Caddoan stock, of which the 
Pawnee form the eastern branch. 
These are the Wichita and Caddo, 
tribes which have wandered up from 
the southern region of Texas and 
Louisiana into the plains. 



Black Coyote 
Ghost Dancer, 



rap alio 
is Tipi. 




Big 
Coman 



The Wichita to-day number about a thousand and form 
one of the most interesting groups of people to be found in 
Oklahoma, or in fact, within the limits of the Missis- 
sippi drainage basin. Many of the families live in dome- 
shaped lodges of grass, like the village on the North Fork, 
which Catlin painted in 1S34. The Wichita have always 
been an agricultural tribe, and still retain a large number 
of ancient rites. Here many forms of ceremonial games 
survive, dating back to ancient times when games were 
played as processes of divination, and had not yet degener- 
ated into the ordinary forms of gambling such as are 
found to-day among many tribes of the West and 
Northwest. 

The mythology of the Wichita, like that of many 
other tribes of this region, is extremely beautiful, but 
is as yet practically unstudied, an almost virgin field for 
the investigator. 

Caddo 



This quiet and reserved band, numbering to-day a little 
over five hundred persons, although closely allied to the Wichita, 
do not retain nearly the number of ancient customs that may 
be found among the latter tribe. The original home of the 
Caddo was on the banks of the lower Red River in Louisiana, 
afterward for a while on Caddo Lake near the boundary 
between Louisiana and Texas. Here they 
came in early contact with the whites, one 
of their tribes being mentioned by the nar- 
rator of De Soto's expedition. The Caddo 
retain many traces of their southern home, 
being smaller and darker than their neigh- 
bors of the Plains, and practicing the 
peaceful pursuits of agriculture. It is their 
boast that they have never shed white man's 
blood, though they are noted for their cour- 
age. They have long since given up the 
conical grass house such as is still occupied 
by the Wichita, and live, as a rule, in log 
houses modeled closely after those of the 
whites. 




John, a 
die Chief. 




Kiowas. 




It is not generally known that a 
small remnant of this once celebrated 
tribe still exists on this same reserva- 
tion, where they have found, in all 
probability, their last home, after many 
years of vicissitudes and wanderings. 
In spite of contact with the whites 
through several generations, they 
retain certain old customs, even occu- 
pying their old-time conical houses. 



Delaware 





Kiowa Maiden, Wearing Elk Tooth 
Dress. 



With this hurried glance at many 
important tribes — during a visit to 
each of which we have seen strange 
and unique forms of habitations, curi- 
ous dances and interesting ceremonies ; 



among whom we may yet find people wearing buckskin garments 
and adorning the walls of their lodges with the Sacred Bundle, 
or guarding the household from invisible enemies by the buffalo 
shield which hangs on its tripod back of the lodge — we return 
to Newton, where we once more join the main line of the Santa 
Fe and hurry across the plains of Kansas to the west. 



Through this country of farms, over which we pass so 
rapidly and with such little concern, was the route taken by 
Coronado in his memorable march of 1540 i n search of the 
Gran Quivera. Prosperous Dodge City, in western Kansas, 
was the headquarters for awhile of that well-known Indian 
fighter, General Custer. 

When we stop for breakfast at La Junta on the second 
morning, we are still in the midst of a vast sea of prairie, but 
a certain sharpness and clearness of the atmosphere is at once 
noticed. Before we halt at the next Harvey hotel for our 
noonday meal we shall have our first glimpse of the Rocky 
Mountains, rising in an apparently straight line before us at 
the west, the peaks covered with snow; while soon to the south 
of us the Raton Range looms up as though to hem us in. Start- 
ing from Trinidad, at the foot of this range, we begin scaling 
this first real mountain barrier to western progress, the summit 



To New Mexico 



18 




ichita Women Building a 
Grass House. 



of which we finally pierce by means of 
a tunnel at an elevation of 7,608 feet. 

We are now fairly in New Mexico, 
and for several miles descend through 
the picturesque scenery of the head 
waters of the Canadian River. Cross- 
ing several other smaller divides during 
the afternoon , we continue in a south- 
western course until we reach Las 
Vegas. Shortly after leaving this city, 
and after crossing several small 
mountain streams, we begin ascend- 
ing another divide, following the course 
of the Pecos River, and soon pass near 

by the ancient pueblo of Pecos, the ruins of which may still 
plainly be seen from the car window. A few miles further on 
we leave the summit of the Glorieta Mountains, the western 
descent of which is made along the valley of the Galisteo, a 
tributary of the Rio Grande. We are now at the threshold of 
the real southwest, the home of the Cliff Dwellers of the past 
and the Pueblo peoples of to-day. 

As the City of Santa Fe may be regarded as the logical 
starting-point for an excursion to the first group of points of 
interest relating to aboriginal man in the Southwest, we may 
break our journey at Lamy, and take the train for Santa Fe, 
New Mexico's capital, one of the oldest cities of the United 
States. Here Ave shall find several good hotels. 

As we shall have ample time later on to see this quaint old 
town, we will do nothing more to-night than stroll to the plaza, 
where, as we listen to the band and watch the faces of the 
groups of people, we shall hear a strange tongue, and we may 
easily imagine ourselves transported beyond the confines of the 
United States, into Mexico or Spain. 




I 



20 



Southwest Peoples, Tribes and Linguistic 
Stocks 




City of Santa Fe — Pueblo Peoples, Tafioan, Keresen, Zufiian, Hopi — Non- 
pueblo Peoples, Navajo, Apache, Yuma, Pima — California Tribes. 

" ANTA Fe being situated within the Pueblo 
country, and built as it is near the ruins of an 
ancient Indian pueblo, naturally possesses much 
to interest one in its collections of ancient and 
modern antiquities. Consequently we may begin 
our ramble by a short visit to the old municipal 
building or palacio on the north side of the square. 
Within, in the rooms of the historical society, we shall find 
a somewhat scant collection of curios. The building itself, with 
its many memories of former days, is more interesting and con- 
tains, so it is said, a mine of manuscripts and documents relating 
to the early history of Spanish America well worth the serious 
attention of any student desirous of pursuing original investi- 
gation. 

Having paid our respects to the palacio we cross the plaza 
by the diagonal path toward the southwest, and walking down a 



21 




little narrow street 
for a couple of blocks, 
where signs in an un- 
familiar language 
confront us at every 
step, we soon arrive 
at Santa Fe's best 
known institution — 
the Old Curiosity 
Shop of a leading 
merchant. While 
there is much of the 
unimportant here, 
there is also much 
that is valuable, and 



Old Curiosity Shop, Santa Fe. 



as a rule the proprietor may be depended upon for knowing the 
value of such things. Our first impression on looking around 
the closely packed walls of this elongated establishment is that 
we are in a land of potters ; for probably half the objects within 
the shop are earthenware vessels ; the other half comprises objects 
of stone, blankets, baskets and beadwork on buckskin. In this 
very miscellaneous collection we shall find something from nearly 
every tribe in the Southwest. To continue our observations of 
these objects with greater intelligence it will be best perhaps to 
take a comprehensive survey of the character of the aboriginal 
life which spreads out from this point, north to the southern 
borders of Colorado, Utah and Nevada, south to the Republic 
of Mexico, and west to the Pacific Ocean. 

This is the Southwest. Within this region of approximately 
two hundred thousand square miles we shall find ruins of every 
description, some minute, others extensive and numbering liter- 
ally thousands ; and we shall also find about forty-five tribes or 
villages, representing nine linguistic stocks. As with our present 
insufficient knowledge we can not make a scientific classification 
of the ruins, we may here confine our attention to living tribes. 
These we may divide into two comprehensive groups: (i) The 
Pueblo Peoples ; and (2) The Non-pueblo Peoples. 




22 



Governor's Palace, Santa Fe. 



The Pueblo Peoples 

The Spanish name pueblo was applied by the conquistadores 
to the native village communities which they found in New 
Mexico and Arizona, and it has tenaciously clung to these 
villages since that time; in fact we not only speak of the pueblo 
peoples or the pueblos, but also of the pueblo area and the pueblo 
culture; for the peoples have much in common. 

Jt is said that an early enumeration of the inhabited pueblos 
about the middle of the sixteenth century placed the number 
at sixty-five, but at the present time the permanently occupied 
villages number only twenty-six. There seems to be no doubt 
that this number will greatly decrease ; for with certain of the 
Rio Grande pueblos at least there has been no progress and there 
is going on to-day a slow but sure Mexicanization, so that within 
a comparatively short period certain Indian villages will cease 
to exist as such. We shall see later that the number of pueblos 
once greatly exceeded those enumerated by the early Spaniards. 
Some of the ancient pueblos were exceedingly small, while others 
were fully as large as the largest present inhabited pueblo. 

We may characterize Pueblo Indians in general as dwellers 
in compactly built, substantial villages with houses rising from 
one to five stories in height, and bordering on more or less regular 
streets or courts. In character they are peaceful, industrious 
and conservative. The occupation of the men is largely confined 
to agriculture ; they also do all the spinning, weaving and manu- 
facturing of garments, which are of cotton or wool. The women 
are the house builders and owners, and in addition to the routine 
of household work, they engage extensively in the manufacture 
of pottery. 

As a rule the 



Pueblos are an in- 
tensely religious peo- 
ple and devote much 
of their time to the 
performance of elab- 
orate ceremonies in 
which, owing to the 
aridity of the climate 
and to the fact that 
their food supply 




Burro Alley, Santa Fe. 



consists very largely of corn, prayers for rain predominate. 
The harshness of the desert has played a very large part 
in pueblo ritual and ceremoniology. While certain villages 
are located in plains, others are perched upon lofty and pre- 
cipitous tablelands; in both cases provision for defense has 
been carefully planned, the idea of defense seeming to have 
been one, if not the predominating, motive in their original 
choice of a habitation. The selection of the location has also 
been largely influenced by the accessibility of springs. Finally, 
we may hope to discover among the pueblos that richness and 
completeness of aboriginal life which, in certain pueblos at least, 
has been preserved until to-day with but little foreign influence. 

The twenty-six inhabited pueblos are divided on a linguistic 
basis into four groups, the Tanoan, the Keresen, the Zunian and 
the Shoshonean or Hopi. 

Of these four linguistic stocks the Tanoan is the largest and 
comprises the following villages: Picuris, Pojoaque, Tesuque, 
Santa Clara, San Juan, San Ildefonso, Taos, Jemez, Sandia, 
Nambe, Isleta and Hano. Of these twelve villages all except 
the four last named are most easily reached from the city of 
Santa Fe. 

The villages speaking a Keresen dialect are Cochiti, San 
Domingo, San Filipe, Santa Ana, Sia and Acoma. Cochiti, San 
Domingo and San Filipe are within easy driving distance of 
Thornton ; Sia and Santa Ana may be easily reached from Albu- 
querque, while Acoma lies further to the west and may be 
reached from Laguna. 

Representatives of the Zunian stock are confined at the pres- 
ent time to the large pueblo of Zuni and its dependent towns, 
lying forty miles south of Gallup. 

The Hopi villages, six in number and the only pueblo repre- 
sentatives of the great Shoshonean stock, lie seventy-five miles 
north of Winslow, Arizona, and comprise all of the living repre- 
sentatives of the pueblos in Arizona except the Tanoan pueblo 
of Hano, which lies within the limits of the Hopi villages. 
The Non-pueblo Peoples 

Although inhabitants of the same desert, and subject in 
general to a similar environment, the peoples grouped under the 
term Non-pueblo are very different, not only in language, but in 

24 



their customs and manners, from those which we have just 
recently characterized. Many of these non-pueblo peoples of 
the Southwest, although now perfectly acclimated, seem to be 
intruders, as in fact they are, and consequently their culture 
partakes somewhat of the nature of nomads. Instead of the 
carefully constructed and substantial dwellings in compact 
villages of the Pueblo Indians we find in this group of peoples 
little or no village life, the families of the different tribes being 
scattered here and there over the desert, and dwelling in more or 
less rude, temporary structures during winter, and in exceed- 
ingly primitive shelters during the summer. 

While agriculture among them plays no mean part, it is not 
practiced to the same extent as among the pueblo peoples. We 
find the women manufacturing little or no pottery, for the per- 
fection of the potter's art is reached only among sedentary 
peoples. On the other hand, among many of these tribes the 
art of basketry is very highly developed. We find also that the 
character of the costume has changed, and instead of the beauti- 
ful woven garments, buckskin is substituted, or, in early times 
among the peoples of Arizona and California, scant garments of 
shredded bark. While these non-pueblo peoples have a serious 
and more or less extensive system of theology, it is rather of the 
medicine man than of the priest. The production of elaborate 
religious ceremonials, with accompanying altars and extensive 
religious paraphernalia, requires proper temples and close village 
communities. 

The non-pueblo peoples embraced within the scope of this 
paper comprise representatives of the Athapascan, Piman, 
Yuman and Shoshonean stocks. The representatives of the 
Athapascan stock are the most numerous and interesting ; they 
comprise two well-known groups of peoples, the Apache and 
Navajo. The Apache occupy four reservations, — the Jicarilla 
in northwestern New Mexico, the Mescalero in east central 
New Mexico and the White Mountain and San Carlos Apache 
in south central Arizona. 

The Navajo is not second- 
ary in general interest to the 
tribes just mentioned. These 
wanderers of the des- 
ert, numbering over 




Arizona Cactus in Blossom. 



fifteen thousand souls, are confined on 
a single large reservation in north cen- 
tral Arizona, and a part of their country 
must be crossed in the journey to Hopi- 
land. 



n Ancient Adobe. 




Did we but know of their wander- 
ings and the causes which forced these 
four bands of Apache and this great 
band of Navajo to separate from their 
kindred in the far North, along the 
banks of the Mackenzie River and the 



shores of the Great Lakes, we would have one of the most 
interesting stories of tribal migration ever recorded. When 
this migration began we do not know, but the Apache and 
Navajo in their southern flight across the continent suffered to 
no great extent. We are sure that in their present home they 
have for hundreds of years maintained a warlike and hostile 
disposition and have been a great trial to the peace-loving 
village Indians. 

Passing on toward the west we next encounter the tribes of 
the Yuman stock, comprising the small band of the Havasupai 
north of Ash Fork in the Cataract Canyon, the Walapai further 
to the west along the bank of the Grand Canyon, and the Mohave 
on the arid banks of the Colorado. Further south we find the 
Yuma proper, in southwestern Arizona, while to the east of them 
are the Maricopa, and finally, the Diegueno, now occupying sev- 
eral small reservations in southern California among the so-called 
Mission Indians. 

In close proximity to the Yumas are the tribes of the Piman 
stock. Of this family, however, our interest is confined to two 
tribes, the Papago and Pima, who have their homes in southern 
Arizona. The other tribes of this stock, such as the Tarahu- 
mara, Tepehuana, etc., occupy the mountainous regions in 
northwestern New Mexico. 

We have finally to notice several scattered tribes of the great 
Shoshonean stock, which, as has been said, includes the Hopi 
and extends on the north from Idaho to southern California on 
the south. The most interesting representatives of this stock 
apart from the Hopi, and which for our purposes are best classi- 
fied with the pueblo peoples, are to be found among the Mission 



26 



Indians of southern California. Here we find three fairly well 
defined groups, the Coahuila, the Seranno and the Luiseno. 

In addition to the three groups of Mission Indians of the 
Shoshonean stock we have also in that almost unexplored 
region lying to the east of the Santa Fe lines in California and 
between Tehachapi Pass and Tulare Lake, many small and 
imperfectly known groups comprising remnants of this great 
stock, which in ancient times pushed their way over the almost 
impassable crest of the Sierra Nevada, and conquered the less 
warlike tribes which in much earlier times had made their homes 
in the secluded valleys lying on the western slopes of the Sierras. 

The art of basketry among these people was carried to a high 
stage of development, and fortunate the tourist considers him- 
self who to-day is able to buy an old, time-stained basket from 
the palmier days, when the finished product represented an 
intrinsic part of the life of the maker. 

Lying to the north of these Shoshonean tribes and still to the 
east of the Santa Fe, their boundary being the Sierras on the 
east, the Coast Range on the west and the Cosumines River on 
the north, we find innumerable small bands of Indians repre- 
senting two stocks which, in former times, must have been 
exceedingly numerous, but which to-day are chiefly interesting to 
tourists, on account of their wonderful baskets. Of these two 
stocks that of the Mariposan occupies the southern half of the 
territory just defined, while to the north is the territory of the 
tribes of the Moquelumnian stock. 

Naturally the general remarks made at the beginning of this 
section concerning the tribes of the non-pueblo group do not 
apply to the Calif ornian tribes. Among these Calif ornian tribes 
we find little or no agriculture practiced. In their habitations 
there is a tendency toward permanency, while the gay plumage 
of the birds of this land of enchant- 
ment gives a color and brilliancy , 
to their ceremonial costumes which 
is quite in striking contrast 
to the general somberness of 
the non-pueblo peoples of the 
southwest desert. 

In this brief survey of 
the Southwest tribes it has 




Yucca, Typical oj the Desert. 



not been possible to give more than a mere outline. Later, as we 
continue our journey westward from Santa Fe, we shall become 
better acquainted not only with the desert and the valleys, but 
with their inhabitants. At any rate we are now prepared to 
examine understandingly the treasures which are set forth on 
the shelves of the various curio stores and museums ; and when 
told that this, for instance, is a pottery idol from Tesuque, this a 
ceremonial kilt from the Hopi, this a basket of the Pima and 
this a feathered head-dress from the Mariposans, we have a better 
idea as to the location of the makers of these things. In these 
days of the close proximity of the trading-post, the Indian has 
learned the purchasing power of silver, and as a rule he is not 
unwilling to part, for a consideration, with his household gods 
and other prized possessions. 




28 



i 



Three Southwestern Industries 

Basketry — Pottery — Weaving 
HE three great industries of basketry, pottery and 
weaving form an important part of the daily 
life of the people of the Southwest. Objects 
which are most likely to interest the average 
traveler, and especially which he is most likely 
to be able to secure, belong to one or another of 
these groups. Furthermore, the distribution of 
these objects is so wide-spread and there is so much in common 
in their manufacture, that it seems proper at this point, and 
before we begin the actual tour of investigation, to pause a 
moment longer and consider these three great industries in detail. 

Naturally the basketry, pottery and textiles of the Southwest 
differ very much from village to village and from tribe to tribe ; 
but at the same time the objects of each one of these groups in 
all the villages have something in common. It will not be 
necessary to devote further attention to this phase of the sub- 
ject in the succeeding sections. 

Basketry 

Not until' we have reached the borderland of California do 
we come close to the peoples who make really remarkable bas- 




29 



kets. There are, however, many baskets made in both New 
Mexico and Arizona, and among these are forms highly prized for 
use in decorative art. The art of basketry is not practiced to any 
great extent among any of the pueblo peoples except the Hopi. 

Among the Hopi we find both types of basketry, the woven 
and the coiled. Of the former are the numerous shallow trays 
and baskets, woven in large numbers in practically all of the 
villages, which serve for a multitude of purposes. Such are the 
curiously made trays used as sieves or as receptacles for corn. 
These are usually made of the split stem of the yucca plant. 
Another basket of the so-called wickerwork weave (a variety of 
woven basketry, in common use by the Hopi, and to be found 
in nearly every house) is the large carrying basket used for pack- 
ing corn, firewood, etc. None of the baskets so far mentioned 
among the Hopi have any distinctive decorative value, and as 
a consequence are not sought after by collectors. Flat, rec- 
tangular shaped trays of the diagonal or twilled variety of 
woven baskets are generally used as receptacles for the thin 
waferlike bread as it is lifted from the piki stone. 

There is made of the dyed stems of Bigelovia graviolens, at 
Oraibi, a type of woven basket, in shape like a shallow tray. 
These are uniform in shape, but vary considerably in size. The 
ornamentation varies from geometric patterns to the well- 
known Hopi symbols, such as rainclouds, squash blossoms, and 
the more beautiful and complicated designs representing Kat- 
cinas or masked personages. 

Similar in shape to these plaques, but 
woven in an entirely different manner, are the 
beautiful and equally well-known plaques 
made on the Second Mesa. The method of 
weaving here employed is that known as the 
coiled. It is peculiar, however, inasmuch as 
it has a grass coil foundation, consisting of a 
thick bundle of woody yucca stems, a small 
fragment of the split leaf furnishing also 
the sewing material. In all America this 
type of basketry is found only among the 
villages of the Second Mesa; but it is a 
common type in Northern Africa. Not 
only are trays made after this fashion on 

30 



Hopi Maiden Weaving a Plaque. 




this Mesa, but occasionally baskets may be found similar in 
shape to the wide-mouthed earthenware vessels. 

One of the interesting types of basketry widely distributed 
in the Southwest is the so-called water bottle. This is made in a 
variety of forms, some of them being even jug shaped. The 
character of the weaving is of the coiled type, and when the 
vessels are especially designed for carrying water, they are 
treated to a thick coat of pine pitch, both within and without, 
which renders them water-tight. The best specimens of this 
type of basketry are made by the Paiute. These baskets are 
made by the Havasupai, the Walapai and by all of the tribes 
of the Apache. 

The baskets of the Mescalero and Jicarilla Apache, that is, 
of the New Mexican Apache, are similar in form, being usually 
shallow and of the coiled type. The Mescalero Apache, how- 
ever, since they have discovered that there is a ready sale for 
their basketry, make a variety of forms other than the one just 
mentioned, many of them being of a degenerate type based on 
ideas borrowed from the whites. In color these baskets are 
generally yellowish, with geometric patterns in white. They 
can not be regarded as high types of basketry. 

Quite different from the baskets just mentioned are those 
made by the White Mountain and San Carlos Apaches in Ari- 
zona. The commonest pattern here is a large coiled bowl- 
shaped tray. The ground color of the basket is light, from the 
color of the willow, while the decoration is in black and usually 
geometric in design. In addition to this form of basket these 
Apache make large jar-shaped vessels, in the same weave. 
These forms generally bear conventionalized human beings, as 
well as animals ; the symbolism differs considerably from that 
of the bowl-shaped baskets. These Apache also make very 
graceful carrying baskets, well woven and usually ornamented 
with tin pendants suspended from short buckskin thongs. As 
a rule all the types of basketry from the Arizona Apache are well 
made and are highly prized by collectors. 

Similar in shape to the basket bowls of the Apache are those 
of the Pimas, which they closely resemble, both in shape, size 
and design. These also are of the coiled type, the foundation 
being a yucca stem, while the sewing is done with willow or pine 
splints. The decoration is in black and of geometric designs; 

31 



A Pima Basket Maker. 



in fact so similar are the Pima basket bowls to those of the 
Apache that, as a rule, they may be distinguished only by the 
character of the border, it being braided among the Pimas 

The little band of Chemehuevi on the Colorado River, below 
The Needles also make a variety of basket bowl similar to 
the one just described, but finer in construction and more 
artistically designed. These, however, are made only m limitea 
numbers, and are highly prized by collectors. 

There are many other forms of baskets, made by tribes m the 
Southwest, not here mentioned. These, however, are made only 
in limited quantities, or have no decorative value, and may more 
properly be considered with their makers. Such are the so- 
called marriage baskets of the Navaho and the curious burden 
baskets of the Papago. In addition to the more common forms 
above noted, basketry is used in the construction of cradles, 
as among the Hopi, and for many other purposes. 

California has long been known as the home of the basket- 
makers, and indeed the art reached a height in this wonderful 
State such as has been reached in no other part of the world. 
There are made within the limits of the State and within the 



region of southern California, baskets of practically every known 
variety of weave, and of nearly every conceivable form and use. 

The first group of peoples to be considered are those speak- 
ing dialects of the Shoshonean stock and living in the country 
east of Bakersfield and Tulare Lake. These tribes are intruders 
in this part of California, having pushed their way through the 
passes of the mountains in comparatively recent times. They 
brought with them the forms of baskets common to-day among 
the majority of Paiute peoples of Nevada. These include the 
large carrying baskets used in the gathering of nuts, seeds, etc., 
many forms of sifters and winnowers, and well made bowls 
used in the manufacture of corn mush. 

In addition to these forms the Shoshoni have borrowed from 
the California tribes proper, with whom they have come in con- 
tact, certain types, such as the well-known bowl-shaped form 
of basket, characteristic of the region around Tulare Lake. 
This form of basket is of the so-called coiled weave, the warp 
being a grass foundation of many strands. There is reason to 
believe that this beautiful form of basket originated among the 
Mariposans, the people living just north of the Shoshoni. 

They have also borrowed from neighboring tribes, several 
forms of the finer weaves of baskets, the use of which, however, 
is largely ceremonial. 

Much more highly prized than the baskets of the Shoshonean 
tribes just named, are those of the Mariposan and Moque- 




Copyright, 1900, by A. Putnam. 



A Pima Basket Maker. 




lumnian stocks, found in Tulare County, although scattered 
among the counties of Kings, Kern, Fresno and Madera, and the 
region still to the north, comprised within the counties lying 
north of Madera, and extending, roughly speaking, to the 
American River. In many respects the basketry of these two 
peoples has much in common. Such are the flat, plaque- 
shaped meal sifters, the flat plaques used in the game of dice, 
and the open receptacles used for general household purposes. 

The open-ware receptacles of the lattice type of weaving 
among the Moquelumnians are generally made of chaparral, 
while the material used by the Mariposans is sumac. The best 
known baskets of the Mariposans (aside from the dice plaques 
which are so highly prized by collectors) are the bottle- 
neck shaped vessels and the broad-mouthed bowls. 

The range of basketry among the Moquelumnians is 
perhaps wider than it is among the Mariposans. We find 
several forms of vessels used for cooking 
purposes, all well made and of the coil type, 
with a hard wild-cherry warp. They 
also produce many coarse-twined burden 
bearers used for harvesting nuts, etc. In 
addition to these general utility vessels 
and the meal sifters, the Moquelumnians 
manufacture certain forms of ceremonial 
baskets of great beauty, which are highly 
prized. Such are the so-called christening vessels used in 
christening ceremonies with children. These are wide-mouthed 
vessels with rather straight sides. All these ceremonial vessels 
are also of the coil type of weave, the warp being of the wild 
cherry. 

The basketry produced by the peoples of the Moquelumnian 
stock as compared with those of the Mariposans may be char- 
acterized in general terms as larger, coarser and stronger. The 
Moquelumnian basketry is also, as a rule, manufactured with a 
definite idea of use, whereas among the Mariposans large num- 
bers of baskets are made for sale to traders. 

In decoration there is a general similarity in the two groups 
of people, geometric designs of highly conventionalized symbols 
prevailing. It is to be noted, however, that among the Mari- 
posans there is a strong tendency to introduce somewhat realistic 



Basket Maker, Upper San Joaquin 
Valley, Madera Co., Cal. 



representation of animals. The decoration in both groups is 
usually produced by the introduction on the white ground of a 
red weft, which among the Moquelumnian people is chaparral, 
among the Mariposans red-bud. The latter tribe also often 
introduces a third element in the pattern of another black weft 
of brake root. 

Finally, a word concerning the relative values of the baskets 
of these three groups of people may not be uninteresting Those 
of the Shoshonean group are of least commercial value. Among 
the Moquelumnian people the most expensive baskets are those 
of the ceremonial type, as much as fifty dollars having been paid 
for a single specimen. Much more valuable than the baskets 
of either of these two groups are those made by the Mariposans, 
as much as two hundred dollars having been paid for a gambling- 
tray, while a similar amount is frequently demanded for the 
beautifully made large bowls. 

Pottery 

As a rule the art of pottery does not flourish among nomadic 
tribes, while a fixed residence, such as that of the pueblo people, 
is conducive to a high degree of perfection in this art. The 
manufacture of pottery is practically confined to the pueblo 
people, with the exception of a few tribes along the Colorado 
River in Arizona. 

Earthenware vessels not only form the most common objects 
to be seen in the houses of the pueblo people of to-day, but go 
where you will, either among the ruins of the cliff dwellers or 
over the low-lying mounds marking the ruins of former peoples 
on the mesas or in the valleys, you will find fragments of earth- 
enware by countless thousands. 

In manufacture a uniform method seems to have been prac- 
ticed in the entire pueblo area. Whatever the shape of the 
vessel it was built by coiling upon itself along thin strip of clay 
which had been fashioned between the palms of the two hands. 
To support the coil in its early stage a basket was used, held 
in the lap of the maker. After the desired height and shape had 
been reached by contracting or expanding the diameter of the 
coil, it was either baked unpainted or the markings of the coil 
within the vessel were eliminated by means of a fragment of 
gourd and by smooth water- worn pebbles. All varieties are 




Firing Pottery, A com a. 



found in common use to-day ; for though 
the marks of the coil are generally effaced 
within, the outside often is left as it was 
on the complexion of the vessel. 

The general tendency in later times seems 
to have been to use a larger coil ; for nowhere 
among the pueblo people of to-day do we see 
vessels so beautiful as those found in the 
ancient ruins. In some of these vessels the 
coil is almost as fine as a thread on the out- 
side, the inner markings having been effaced 
and the surface highly polished and coated 
with a black lustrous substance. Nor, as a 
rule, is it possible to find such beautiful 
specimens showing coil marks as may be 
found in the cliff ruins of northern New 
Mexico and Arizona. These vessels often 
reached a height of two feet, the effect of a geometric ornamenta- 
tion being added to by the pinching of the coil at certain intervals 
with the tip of the finger or some blunt instrument. Should 
the vessel be designed as a food bowl or for some purpose less 
menial than that of a cooking pot, the markings were not only 
effaced within and without, but the vessel was treated first with 
a wash on both sides, over which was laid the design in colors 
by means of the macerated end of a yucca fiber, the pigments 
being mineral earths ground in stone mortars. 

Of the decoration itself, endless variation exists. In the more 
ancient pottery, such as is found in the cliff ruins of the entire 
region, it generally partook of a geometric nature, laid on in 
black lines over a white surface. This seems to have been the 
earliest and most widely distributed variety. Later, additional 
colors were applied and the decoration, instead of being geo- 
metric, partakes of the nature of certain well-known symbols or 
of realistic bird or animal forms. 

Probably the most interesting pottery to be found in the 
Southwest are the ancient bowls of the so-called yellow ware 
discovered in such great quantities among the ruins lying along 
the Little Colorado River and in the ruins of Tusayan proper. 
These vessels were presumably food bowls, and upon a yellow 
ground we find many symbols representing a wide range of 

36 



forms, not the least interesting of which are those representing 
masked personages and cosmic symbols. Also in these ancient 
ruins are found many beautiful varieties of the so-called red 
ware, the decorations being, as a rule, black and white. Among 
certain Rio Grande pueblos we find that all attempt at decora- 
tion has disappeared, the vessel being painted a lustrous black, 
both within and without. 

The forms vary according to the purpose for which the 
vessel was designed. Thus the round-bottomed, wide-mouthed 
cooking pots and the shallow food vessels have already been 
noticed; other forms were canteen shaped, and were used for 
carrying water. Others may be regarded as pitchers or mugs, 
while vessels fashioned after the form of dippers with long 
handles are common over a wide area, especially in the ancient 
ruins. In certain of the New Mexican pueblos the tendency 
has been in recent times toward realistic representations, in 
the form of animals or in that of human beings. Similar forms 
are also found, but less commonly, in the ancient graves. 

Concerning the method of firing, both in ancient and modern 
times, there seems to have been a pretty general degree of 
uniformity. Wood has been extensively used, but does not 
produce the best results. Recently sheep manure is largely 
used. It seems probable also that in ancient times some 
peoples of the Southwest were acquainted with the burning 
property of cannel coal, and it is possible that this was availed 
of in certain regions. 

Comparing the pottery found in the ancient graves with 
that made by the present pueblo people, it is seen that there 
has been a slow deterioration of the art. The present people 
do not understand the art of manu- 
facturing such delicate pottery, or of 
firing as it was practiced in 
former times. 

As has been noted, outside 
of the pueblo area but little 
pottery is manufactured. It 
seems probable that 
formerly the Navajo, 
and even the Apache, 
were potters to some 




Copyright, 1900, by E. S. Curtis. 

Nampeyo, of Hano, Decorating Pottery. 




extent, and even 
to-day, rude tall 
vessels with round 



decoration in these 
vessels except that 
occasionally an ad- 
ditional band is 



bottoms are 
manufac- 
tured by the 
former. 
There is no 
attempt a t 



Hopi Pottery Maker. 



placed around the mouth of the vessel, which may have 
slight indentations for ornamentation. The Yumas, as will 
be noticed at greater length later on, make pottery in consider- 
able quantities. They generally limit their forms to wide- 
mouthed, bowl-shaped vessels, which are usually painted red, 
with a slight geometric ornamentation in black. 



The art of weaving in the Southwest was probably contem- 
poraneous with that of the manufacture of basketry and of 
pottery. For, as in the prehistoric graves, we find countless 
numbers of earthenware vessels, and now and then a trace of 
the more perishable basketry; so, also, we find that the ancient 
inhabitants of this region knew the art of weaving. Many of 
the pueblo people have for ages cultivated cotton and used it 
in large quantities in the manufacture of clothing. To-day 
the art of weaving is practically confined to three peoples, 
the Zuhi, the Hopi and the Navaho. Many native-made gar- 
ments are still worn by the pueblo people along the Rio Grande, 
especially in their ceremonies, but the majority of this clothing 
has been and is to-day purchased by them from the Zuhi, or 
the Hopi. 

With the introduction of sheep in early times by the Span- 
iards a new textile was added which gave additional impulse to 
weaving, which, among the Navaho at least, has resulted in 
an industry second to no aboriginal industry in North America. 
Inasmuch as the art is practiced much more extensively by the 



Weaving 



38 



Hopi than by the Zuhi, we may confine our attention first to 
the Hopi, and then speak of weaving among the Navaho. 
Curiously' and contrary to the usual custom among the primi- 
tive peoples, all of the weaving among the Hopi is done by the 
men who also do all the carding, spinning and dyeing of the 
wool Formerly the Hopi used exclusively vegetable dyes, 
which, at the present time, are being replaced by the cheaper 
and less durable dyes obtained from the trader. 

The looms used by the Hopi are of two kinds, a small heddle 
loom being used in the manufacture of belts, hair strings and 
garters, which form an intrinsic part of the Hopi costume. 
The other is the typical loom used by primitive peoples m many 
parts of the world. In spite of its apparent simplicity and 
rudeness, the Hopi produce on it all the blankets and dresses 
worn by the women, and the kilts and sashes and other objects 
of ceremonial attire worn by the men. In these they employ 
both wool and cotton and produce types of weaving which are 
superior to anything ever produced by the much vaunted Navajo. 

It is an interesting fact that the Hopi men no longer produce 
a blanket for themselves, inasmuch as it is cheaper for them to 
exchange women's dresses or other products of their own looms 
with the Navaho for the cheaper grade of blankets, which 
admirably serve their purposes. A complete collection of the 
textiles worn by the Hopi comprises no less than twelve 
different varieties of garments. They are also able to manu- 
facture from well-spun cotton string, both knitted leggings and 
a peculiar shaped cap, both to-day being confined to ceremonial 
use. 

Weaving among the Navaho has received great attention ; 
they not only manufacture 
numerous kinds of blankets 
which may be found in prac- 
tically every part of the 
civilized world, but in former 
times they produced from a 
cloth introduced by the Span- 
ish traders and known as 
bay eta, splendid specimens of 
weaving, which to-day are 
almost priceless possessions; 




A Hopi Belt Weaver. 




All the weaving of the 
Navajo to-day is done by the 
women, who use a large hand 
loom not unlike that in use 
among the Hopi . The an ci en t 
vegetable dyes have been re- 
placed by cheap dyes which 
they secure from the traders. 
The Navajo are able to obtain 
three natural colors from their 
flocks — white, gray and black 
wool. At the present time 
they consume large quantities 
of Germantown yarn which 
they secure from the traders. 
It is an undoubted fact that 



the art of weaving is rapidly 
deteriorating among them, but it is possible that when the 
true value of a well made blanket becomes better under- 
stood by the public, and when the demand for the cheaper 
blankets is lessened, the women will put forth renewed effort, 
and that the former high-grade product may be restored. 
It must be admitted, however, that even in the times of long 
ago, when the Navajo used for their wool bayeta, and when 
the art among them was at its height, they never made blankets 
which excelled those made every day by the Hopi of the present 
generation. 

It remains finally to add a word concerning the patterns 
found on Navaho blankets. The expression, "a typical Navaho 
pattern," is occasionally heard. The absurdity of such an 
expression becomes apparent when we remember that the art 
of weaving among the Navaho is of comparatively recent 
origin, and that the patterns of the old blankets were of simple 
geometric designs. We may not say, therefore, that one pat- 
tern is more "typical" than another, each being the momentary 
fancy of the maker. 




Upper Rio Grande Pueblos 



Tesuque — Nambe — Pojoaque — San Ildefonso — Santa Clara — San Juan — 
Picuris — Taos 

HE pueblos lying within a radius of thirty or forty 
miles of Santa Fe are not the most interesting. 
All have been more or less influenced by the 
Spaniards and each in early times was dedicated 
to some saint who became its patron. In some 
cases the name of the saint was prefixed to the old 
pueblo name, as San Diego de Tesuque. In other 
cases the native name has disappeared and the pueblo has 
no name but that of its saint, as San Juan. But in all the Rio 
Grande pueblos, the saint is the patron, his or her image is in 
the village church, and the saint's day is the occasion of the 
greatest public festival. The ceremonies, therefore, are glossed 
over with Christianity; at the same time they are strange, 
dramatic, weird and beautiful, forming spectacular pageants 
of gorgeous coloring. 

The pueblos most easily reached from Santa Fe by road may 
be considered first.. In Santa Fe we shall find ample facilities 
for such journeys. 

Tesuque 

This is a Tanoan pueblo on the left bank of the Tesuque 
River, and numbers about one hundred inhabitants. The 
Spanish element does not predominate, for it is one of the purest 
Indian villages in the vicinity. It may be easily reached from 




41 



Santa Fe by a good road in a drive of one and one-half hours. 
Conveyance may be secured for the journey at three dollars for 
two people, or five dollars for four, this price including the 
services of a driver. There is no hotel at Tesuque, nor is it 
possible to find accommodation there for the night unless one 
stops with one of the Indian families. 

The journey to this pueblo is a favorite one among tourists 
who visit Santa Fe, and they generally return with some of the 
peculiar forms of pottery which have come to be specialties 
with the people of Tesuque. This pottery comprises little im- 
ages, or so-called idols, and curious animal forms. Of these 
they make a great variety, and, as a rule, they may be had 
very cheap. They also manufacture drums of the tambourine 
shape, bows and arrows, war-clubs, rattles, etc. Specimens 
which are manufactured expressly for sale, however, possess 
very little intrinsic worth, and even less artistic merit. 

Concerning the religious rites of this people practically noth- 
ing is known. They are nominally Catholics, and the town 
boasts of a small dilapidated church. 

The town is quadrangular in shape, about two hundred and 
forty feet long by one hundred and fifty feet broad. The houses 
are generally terraced and rise to a height of two stories, en- 
trance to the rooms of the second terrace being by a ladder from 
the street. The women still prepare their meal on the primitive 
metates, there being in many houses three or four compartment 
mealing bins , where the corn is ground between two stones . The 
walls of the rooms, usually small, are tinted with a three foot 
band of red or yellow clay, the remaining portion being washed 
with gypsum. The women, as a rule, wear native-made gar- 
ments. The men dress after the fashion of the whites. 

Nambe 

This pueblo is also reached only from Santa Fe. The journey 
of fifteen miles may be easily made in one day, returning the 
same evening, the drive consuming about two hours' time. The 




Pueblo of Tesuque. 




Estufa at Nam 



cost of the journey is 
from four to five dollars, 
according to the size of 
the party. Nambe, like 
Tesuque, has no provi- 
sion for accommodation 
over night. It would 
be possible, however, 
to remain over night, 
should one desire, with 
one of the Mexican 
families. This little 

pueblo of about seventy-five inhabitants will probably dis- 
appear within twenty-five years, as the Indians are gradually 
leaving it or are intermarrying with the Mexicans. There 
is but little of interest in Nambe, apart from the village 
itself, to attract the attention of the tourist. A fair grade of 
pottery is manufactured in small quantities. They also make 
a poor imitation of the famous black ware of Santa Clara pueblo. 

The town is rectangular in shape, built around the four sides 
of a large plaza. Near by may be seen the large circular external 
wall of the estufa or kiva, where the men congregate and where 
the secret rites of all religious ceremonies are held. Judging 
from the large size of the Catholic church, now dilapidated, and 
from the many crumbling houses, Nambe was once much more 
populous than now. Wheat and corn are the chief farm prod- 
ucts. 

Pojoaque 

This village is only mentioned here in order that the list of 
pueblos near Santa Fe may be complete. In the census of 1890 
it boasted a population of only twenty Indians, and to-day there 
are very few of these left, their place having been taken by Mexi- 
cans and the original inhabitants having left for other pueblos. 
The village itself, at the junction of the Pojoaque and Tesuque 
rivers, is only three miles from Nambe, to the north, and natu- 
rally is best reached from the latter village. Indeed, Tesuque, 
Nambe and Pojoaque could all three be visited in one day, pro- 
vided an early start were made in the morning and the return 
late at night. 



Santa Clara 
Woman. 



San Ildefonso 

This pueblo, slightly mixed with Mexicans, boasts a 
population of about one hundred and fifty people of the 
Tanoan stock. The village lies on the east bank of the 
Rio Grande, at its intersection with the Pojoaque River, 
and five miles below the pueblo of Santa Clara. It is 
most easily accessible from Santa Fe by means of a 
narrow-gauge railway line running north from Santa 
Fe, which one would leave at the San Ildefonso 
station, one and a half miles from the pueblo. It is 
not possible to secure a conveyance from the station, 
and the journey would be made on foot. The pueblo 
may also be easily reached from the important town of 
Espahola, on this same railroad, from which it is distant 
about seven miles. Here one may readily secure a con- 
veyance. At the pueblo itself one may stay over night at the 
house of Mrs. Durand or with Senor Gomez, a Mexican. 

In the center of this quaint and beautiful old town is an 
unusually large plaza, well kept and possessing the unique dis- 
tinction among pueblos of having ancient cottonwood shade 
trees. The houses are of adobe, generally two stories in height, 
and in the form of terraces which face streets running parallel 
to the plaza. Toward the western end of the plaza stands an old 
church with a ruined convent. Here, so it is said by Lummis, 
the first pioneers of Christianity were poisoned by their savage 
flock; and here in the red Pueblo Rebellion of 1680, three years 
later, priests were roasted in the burning church. 

Many ancient and interesting ceremonies are still performed. 
The most important ones are given on certain feast days, those 
of January 23d and September 6th being the best known. 

A certain amount of cheap grade fancy pottery is made 
at San Ildefonso, red-and-black and brown-and-black predomi- 
nating. 

Santa Clara 

This is one of the 
three most interesting 
pueblos in the vicinitA T of 
Santa Fe, and is beauti- 
fullv situated on the river 




Old Spanish Mission, Pojoaque. 



General View of Santa Clara Pueblo. 



terrace on the west bank of the Rio Grande, five miles above San 
Ildefonso. It is the fifth in size of the twelve Tahoan pueblos, 
numbering in population about two hundred and twenty-five. 
The town has preserved much of its aboriginal picturesqueness, 
and shows no very great trace of Spanish influence. The people 
are kind and hospitable. A railroad passes through Santa 
Clara, but there is no station, and it is necessary to go 
on to Espanola, where one returns on foot or in conveyance, 
the distance being only two miles. Santa Clara may also be 
reached by conveyance from Santa Fe, from which it is distant 
twenty-four miles. A very pleasant two days' excursion might 
be made from Santa Fe, which would include the pueblos of 
Tesuque, Nambe, Pojoaque and Santa Clara, the cost of the 
journey not exceeding five dollars per day including the services 
of a driver and his expenses. Should additional days be added 
to the journey a reduction would be made. 

Not the least interesting feature of this pueblo is its kivas 
or underground chambers where the sacred rites and cere- 
monies are held. One of the kivas is above ground and square, 
an exception to the general rule among the New Mexican 

45 



pueblos. The most important religious ceremony is held on 
August 12th. 

Of the several kinds of pottery manufactured in this pueblo 
the polished or glossy black ware is probably the best known. 
Inasmuch as this black, lustrous ware is one of the most com- 
mon in the Southwest it may not be out of place to quote here 
what Stevenson* says concerning its method of manufacture: 
"The clays used by the Santa Clara Indians are of a brick-red 
color, containing an admixture of very fine sand, which, no 
doubt, prevents cracking and burning, and hence dispenses 
with the necessity of using lava or pottery fragments, as is 
the custom of the Indians of the western pueblos. The burning 
is carried on until a sufficient degree of heat is obtained, properly 
to bake the vessels, which still retain their original red-brick 
color. At this juncture such of the vessels as they desire to 
have remain in that condition are removed from the fire and 
allowed to cool, when they are ready for use. Those which 
the artists intend to color black are allowed to remain and 
another application of fuel, finely pulverized, is made, com- 
pletely covering and smothering the fire. This produces a 
dense, dark smoke, a portion of which is absorbed by the 
baking vessels and gives them the desired black color." 



San Juan is one of the largest of the Tanoan pueblos, num- 
bering over four hundred. It rivals Santa Clara in general 
interest to the tourist. The pueblo is situated on the summit 
of the high sand dunes on the left or east bank of the Rio Grande 
River, six miles from Espanola, from which one may easily 
drive in an hour, or the railway train could be left at Chamita 
station, from which conveyance can be secured to the pueblo, 
a distance of only one mile. 

The adobe houses, usually clean 



San Juan 




■ 




and well furnished, rise frequently, 
in the form of terraces, to a height 
of two stories, and face streets run- 
ning at right angles or parallel to 
a long and irregular plaza. Ladders 



* Bureau of Ethnology, Vol. II, p. 331 ■ 



4rt 



Santa Clara People. 



extend from the streets to the roofs of 
the first terrace. In the plaza is a well- 
built stone chapel, while beyond the 
western end stands a large Catholic 
church with an immense gilded statue of 
the Virgin in front of it. 

Probably the most interesting indi- 
vidual in San Juan is Mr. Sam Eldodt, 
who has a large collection of antiquities, 
and who furnishes accommodation to 
travelers for a consideration. 

Owing to the fact that this pueblo 
was situated on one of the early military 
wagon roads it has been frequently visited 
and consequently it has been carefully 
searched for relics. The manufacture of 
pottery is not extensively carried on, al- 
though the black, lustrous ware and San j uan q iy i 
some animal forms are made. The 

women of San Juan make a number of articles of buckskin, 
which they decorate with beadwork. It requires no great 
effort on the part of the visitor to learn that the natives are 
inclined to be aristocratic in their manners ; and in this they have 
some show of reason, for they are somewhat better off than the 
people of the neighboring pueblos. The gardens, orchards 
and tiny farms belonging to this village are most beautifully 
kept and show evidences of thrift which has been said to be 
suggestive of that so prevalent in Holland. On June 24th, 
St. John's Day, occur interesting performances of ceremonial 
dances, native games and foot races. 

Picuris 

This little Tafloan pueblo of about a hundred inhabitants 
is situated at the foot of the Picuris Mountains, and is devoid 
of great interest. It may be easily reached from the rail- 
way station of Embudo from which it is situated about 
fifteen miles. The road is somewhat rough and the jour- 
ney requires about four hours. There is no hotel in Embudo, 
but one can secure accommodation for the night as well as on 
the journey to Picuris, from one of the Mexican families. There 





47 



are a number of interesting ruins in the vicin- 
ity of Picuris. As this pueblo is somewhat 
difficult of access, its inhabitants retain much 
of their primitive character, do not possess many 
objects of white manufacture, spend much 
of their time hunting deer in the winter, and 
still retain certain very interesting religious per- 
formances, the most important ceremony being 
on August ioth. A visit should be paid to the 
circular kiva, a temple for native ceremonies. 

Taos 

From many points of view this Tahoan 
village of more than four hundred inhabitants 
is the most interesting of all the upper Rio 
Grande pueblos. The inhabitants of Taos 
manufacture little or nothing for sale, and the 
tourist therefore may not hope to carry away 
many souvenirs. 

Taos is most conveniently reached from 
the railway station of Tres Piedras. In visit- 
ing Taos from Santa Fe one arrives at Tres 
Piedras at about four o'clock in the afternoon. Taking 
a conveyance from one of the two livery stables one 
could make one-half of the thirty-two miles journey to 
Taos that same afternoon, the halting point being the Rio 
Grande River, which at this point is a canyon with high 
Walls, and hot springs of interest. The river is crossed here 
by a bridge, toll one dollar. Leaving this point early in 
the morning of the following day, Taos could be reached at ten 
o'clock in the morning. The Mexican village of Fernandez 
de Taos possesses two hotels. 

The pueblo of Taos is situated between the rivers Taos and 
Lucero, which send down a never-failing supply of water, and 
is in easy distance of the Taos Mountains, which tower above 
it to a height of thirteen thousand feet. The village is divided 
into two sections on opposite sides of the river Taos, one section 
rising to a height of seven stories, the other five. In this lies 
the chief glory of the pueblo; for this height is not exceeded 
by that of any of the other pueblos of the Southwest, Zuhi, 

48 




Indian. 



its nearest rival, rising in its highest part only five stories. 
These two great piles of communal dwellings have been likened 
by Mr. Lummis to pyramids, and indeed their resemblance to 
pyramids is very great, inasmuch as they recede step by step 
from the first floor to the summit. Taos is surrounded by a 
wall, which to-day averages about four feet in height, but in 
former times was probably higher. The loopholes in the wall 
from which they shot at the enemy while defending their city 
may still be seen. The inhabitants of the village are extremely 
conservative and retain many of their old religious ceremonies, 
which are conducted in underground chambers or estufas, 
thus described by Miller: 

"At Taos there are seven kivas, four on the south side of the 
creek, and three on the north side. The side walls of several 
of them can be seen for about a foot from the top. It may be 
that they were once entirely subterraneous and that the earth 
has worn away from them, though, from the height of the roofs 
and from the general level of the ground around, I am led to 
think the earth had been banked up around them to give them 
the appearance of being wholly underground. This holds true 
more particularly of the kivas within the town wall. 

"They are circular structures, built almost wholly under- 
ground, and entered by a single opening in the roof. There is 
no other opening in the room, save a small hole at one side to 
secure a draft for the fire. These kivas have come to be used as 
places for holding the civil, religious and secret ceremonies of 
the tribe, but they were originally the sleeping and lounging 
places of the- men, and could not be entered by the women 
except to carry food to their husbands, sons and brothers. 

"One descends by a ladder, the two poles of which extend 
high up into the air. The room is just high enough for one to 
stand erect, and the ceiling is covered with soot frcm the fire 
which is lighted in the fire-pit in the center of the room on the 
occasion of any cere- 
mony. One or two un- 
tamed ox hides lie on 
the floor, and a big 
drum, the skin of which 
is buffalo hide." 



Old Spanish Church, Picurts. 




Of the houses, Poore gives the following interesting account: 
' ' There were originally no doors or means of ingress on the 
ground floor of the two great structures, but instead entrance 
was had through trapdoors in the roof reached by ladders from 
without, which in time of danger might be pulled up and so 
allow no opportunity to the invader. In front of both pyra- 
midal structures stands a row of huge bake ovens, conical in 
shape, each provided with a large door and hole for draught, 
which are seldom used save by the dogs, which find them snug 
kennels at night. After a fire has been made and allowed to 
burn for some time the oven is cleared, heat sufficient remaining 
for a number of bakings. 

"I give a close description of an Indian dwelling, as. with the 
exception of the height to which the structures rise at Taos, one 
is typical of all others throughout the pueblos. Mounting one 
of the many ladders, we gain the first platform. The door con- 
fronting us is about two-thirds the height of a man. The room 
probably measures fifteen by twenty feet, with a height of seven 
and a half feet. In the corner is the open fireplace, about which 
lie pots, large and small, used in cooking, also a pile of pihon 
branches and mesquit roots for fuel, and a large olla with open 
mouth, serving as a deposit for ashes. Along one side is the 
bed. with its cushions of skins and blankets, under which are 
concealed the few valuables of the occupant. From the 
rafters hangs the cradle, a stout wicker basket furnished 
with soft skins, and near it are strung festoons of many- 
colored ears of corn, red peppers, jerked meat, bear grass, 




One of Two House Pyramids, Taos. 



San Juan Dance. 



feathers, etc. The floor is of hard cement, sometimes blackened 
and polished by application of beef blood. At the height of two 
feet is a broad band of yellow ocher encircling the room ; from 
this to the top the walls are sometimes whitened with washes 
of ground gypsum. The ponderous cottonwood timbers 
overlying the walls are barked and left clean, and suffered to 
protrude several feet, more or less, on the outside. A multi- 
plicity of ladders of all sizes, charred and cracked pots 
capping the chimneys, a bake oven large enough for a night's 
lodging, trapdoors, poles of odd and unnecessary lengths, 
which serve as occasion requires for jerking meat and drying 
clothes, are what confront one on each exit from the dim 
interiors into the intense sunlight. Mounting higher, the walls 
are found to be more delicate and the ceilings lower." 

The great religious festival of Taos is held annually on Sep- 
tember 30th. It is one of the best known in New Mexico, and 
is largely attended by white visitors from Colorado and the 
larger cities of the Rio Grande valley ; added to these are thou- 
sands of Mexicans, Jicarilla Apaches and Pueblo Indians — an 
interesting and motley throng. As part of the festival, there 
is usually a spirited foot race between the Indians of the north 
and south pyramids, the losing party paying the dues of the 
pueblo to the priest for the ensuing year. 



Homes of the Ancients 



Pajarito Park — Upper San Juan — Mesa Verde — Chaco Canyon — Canyon 
de Chelly — Age of the Cliff Ruins 

HROUGHOUT New Mexico', Arizona, southern 
Colorado and Utah, ruins of ancient habitations 
exist in almost countless numbers. Many of 
these ruins are of the same general type as those 
inhabited to-day. Others are beneath the earth, 
in subterranean caverns, or in recesses of the 
cliffs. It is only possible herein to indicate 
those regions in which the more famous ruins 
are located, and tell how they may be visited. Attention may 
then be briefly directed to the question of the contents, age 
and occupancy of the ruins themselves. 

For several of the more important groups of ruins of the 
Southwest, Santa Fe forms a convenient starting-point. In the 
region lying north of Santa Fe and within the pueblo area are 
many ruins on small tablelands or in the valleys, but devoid of 
the picturesque interest possessed by the cliff ruins. 

Pajarito Park 

The first great group of cliff ruins is found in the region 
known as Pajarito Park, filled with splendid, beautiful ruins, 
which it is hoped may be preserved from the despoiling hands 
of vandals. Pajarito Park, extending north from El Rito de 
los Frijoles to Santa Clara creek and west of the Rio 
Grande, may be reached by carriage from Santa Fe, the 
cost of a conveyance for a party averaging three or 
four being about five dollars per day. About four or five 
days should be devoted to the journey; or, should it seem 




53 



desirable to shorten the carriage ride, the train may be taken 
from Santa Fe to Espanola, where it is possible to secure con- 
veyance, and from which point the more interesting ruins may 
be reached within a day's ride. Here it is possible to see not 
only typical examples of the cavate lodges and beautifully 
preserved pueblo ruins in the valleys, but splendid specimens 
of cliff ruins, possessing all the features which go to make up a 
cliff city. 

Those pressed for time will be more than repaid to spend 
a few hours on a visit to two single groups of ruins, which may 
easily be reached by a drive of two hours from Espanola. 
The way soon after leaving Espanola ascends the rugged mesa 
by means of a well-made road. The summit of the mesa 
gained, there is afforded a sublime view of the Rio Grande 
valley and its many mountain ranges to the east, while in 
front, to the west, extends a beautiful level plain, terminating 
in lofty, wooded mountains. After a six mile drive across the 
plain we halt at the foot of a towering perpendicular wall 
nearly a mile in length, its face being literally honey-combed 
with hundreds of chambers. This is one of the best series of 
cavate ruins to be found in the Southwest, and its accessibility 
and natural beauty should cause it to be one of the best 
known. On the summit of the plateau is a beautiful and well 
preserved pueblo ruin of unusual interest. 

Within a short distance from Santa Fe and easily reached 
by means of a carriage road is the little canyon called El Rito 
de los Frijoles, the stream itself emptying into the Rio Grande 
River about twenty-five miles above the pueblo of Cochiti. 
This little "brook of the beans," the southern boundary 




Copyright, 1902, by Fay C. Cole. 



Entrance to Cavate Dwellings, Pajarito Park. 



of Pajarito Park, has true can- 
yonlike banks, with large, pointed 
trees occupying the valley and 
the summits of the canyon. 
Here we may find hundreds of 
cave rooms and houses, the walls 
of which still retain many inter- 
esting evidences of former occu- 
pation, while in other parts of 
the canyon are many well pre- 
served true cliff ruins. Here and 
there along the walls are also to 
be found large numbers of picto- 




graphs cut in the living rock. R(jck Carvings and Entrance to Cavate 

Passing over many small Dwellings, Pajarito Park. 

groups of ruins within the imme- 
diate vicinity of Santa Fe, we may next consider that great 
group of cliff ruins, the most famous in the Southwest, which 
occupy the southwestern corner of Colorado, the northwestern 
corner of New Mexico, and the northern corner of Arizona. 
Without considering in detail any one ruin or the ruins of any 
single canyon of this great area, over two hundred miles square, 
we may confine our attention to four regions, any one of which 
is easily accessible and well worthy of a visit. 

Upper San Juan Canyon 

To reach this most interesting cliff region we have a 
choice of two routes, viz., by train and stage from southern 
Colorado, or by train and stage from central New Mexico. 
For the first, the train is taken at Santa Fe northward 
to the town of Conejos. Here the train is taken for Du- 
rango near the southern and western boundary of Colorado. 
South and west of this town extend a large number of well- 
known canyons and mesas, each with its ruins of special interest. 
These canyons are all tributaries to the San Juan River, which 
flows westward from here, on to the Colorado. 

Of these canyons those of Animas La Plata and the Chaco 
are the most famous, easily reached by means of a stage which 
leaves Durango, the road following the course of the Animas 
River to Aztec, forty- two miles south of Durango. From Aztec 

55 



another stage line extends northwest to La Plata, from which 
point the ruins in the La Plata canyon may be visited. Another 
stage line from Aztec follows on down the Animas River, and 
westward along the San Juan, to Jewett, about thirty-five miles 
to the west. From Jewett, the Chaco region may easily be 
reached. Probably the majority of those who wish to visit 
any of these regions will prefer to take the stage direct to 
Farmington, eighteen miles below Aztec at the junction of the 
Animas and San Juan rivers. 

Canyons of the Mesa Verde 

More interesting and better known are the canyons of the 
Mancos, McElmo and Ruin, crossing the so-called Mesa Verde. 
For a visit to this region the railroad journey is continued 
westward from Durango forty miles, to the station of Mancos. 
On arriving at Mancos the majority of tourists will prefer to 
go direct to the ranch of Messrs. Wetherill, who meet parties 
at the train, if previously arranged for by correspondence. 
Alamo Ranch, the home of the Wetherills, is located in beautiful 
grounds two miles from Mancos, and is in itself well worthy 
of a visit. It is possible to make arrangements with the Wether- 
ills, not only for board and lodging, which they are able to fur- 
nish at the reasonable rate of two dollars per day, but for every 
necessity for a short or extended journey to the more famous 
cliff ruins. They make a charge of but five dollars per day 
for each individual, and furnish horses, guides, necessary 




Cliff Palace, M esa V erde, Colo. 



blankets, camping outfit 
and commissary sup- 
plies. As a rule, three 
days will suffice for the 
return trip from the 
ranch, during which time 
the most famous ruins 
of the Southwest, such 
as Cliff Palace, Spruce 
Tree House, Balcony 
House, etc., may easily 
be visited. Owing to the 




House with Balcony, Mesa Verde, Colo. 



long familiarity of the Wetherills with this entire region 
tourists may feel perfectly safe under their guidance and sure 
of good camping-places with sufficient water, and at all times 
free from danger and great discomforts. 

In connection with the canyons of the Mesa Verde the 
manner employed by the natural agencies in the formation 
of these canyons may be briefly stated. Mesa Verde itself is 
described as an irregular tableland, seven hundred feet high, 
with an area of several hundred square miles, and is formed 
of horizontal strata, which consist above of sandstones which 
lower down alternate with shales, the lower strata being suc- 
cessively of shales and clay. When a canyon has been formed 
by the action of water, cutting through the various strata, 
the erosion goes on at a very rapid pace when once the soft 
clay has been reached. Naturally, as the canyon broadens 
at its base, the upper layers are undermined and fall into the 
valley, exposing vertical cliffs. Thus strata of varying degrees 
of hardness are exposed, and as a consequence there are formed 
many steep slopes or recesses extending back into the walls 
of the canyon, and it is in these slopes or steps that the great 
ruins are found. 



The second method of reaching these great canyons tributary 
to the San Juan is from the town of Gallup, New Mexico. 
For this the journey is continued from the city of Santa Fe 
westward on the main line of the Santa Fe to Gallup, where 
one finds good hotels, and ample conveniences for the journey 



Chaco Canyon 



north. From this point it is possible to reach the Chaco Can- 
yon in three or four days ; the trip may be continued to the 
north for the other canyons. Lying west of the Mesa Verde 
and the canyons just enumerated is the Canyon de Chelly, 
the head of which lies in the eastern part of Arizona, and which 
may be reached by conveyance from Gallup by the way of Fort 
Defiance probably more easily than by any other method. 

For the direct journey to the Chaco Canyon the shorter route 
from Thoreau is recommended. At Thoreau, about thirty miles 
east of Gallup, is the trading-post of the Horabin Brothers, 
who can furnish conveyance for the canyon. It would be still 
better to have written to Mr. Richard Wetherill (postoffice 
Putnam, New Mexico), a trader in the Chaco Canyon, who is 
able to meet tourists at the station on the arrival of the train, 
when the journey of sixty-five miles into the canyon will be 
begun at once. Arrangements may be made with Mr. Wether- 
ill not only for conveyance into the Chaco, but for an extended 
visit, including all supplies, guide, etc., covering all the points 
of interest of this wonderful region. Everything considered, 
this will probably be found the most interesting and convenient 
excursion into the great cliff and plain ruin region of the South- 
west. It is also practically the only region where an extensive 
territory may be explored without the necessity of saddle horses. 

Chaco Canyon possesses certain features of interest not 
possessed by the canyons which seam the Mesa Verde. We 
find in addition to the cliff ruins large villages, many of them of 
great size, occupying open bottom lands, there being no less 
than nine such villages or pueblo ruins, and many small ones. 
The most famous of the large village ruins of this canyon is 
that known as Pueblo Bonito. 

Pueblo Bonito, famous and beautiful, is one of the largest 
in the Southwest. The rooms, about five hundred in number, 
were probably in terraces and were arranged in the form of a 
great semicircle. The outer wall around the pueblo was massive 
and imposing. The ruins measure nearly five hundred and fifty 
feet in length and over three hundred feet in width. Within the 
open space enclosed, which measures about two hundred by 
three hundred feet, were two courts, formed by a series of low 
rooms extending across the space by the short axis ; in the courts 
have been located several circular underground temples or kivas, 



58 



House Walls Exposed by Recent Excavations, Pueblo Bonito, 
Chaco Canyon. 

in one of which Mr. Pepper found a ceremonial deposit of tur- 
quoise of very great value. Great quantities of other and 
equally interesting material have been found in the explorations, 
which, it is expected, will throw light on the ancients of this 
beautiful valley. 

Canyon de Chelly 

The tourist who loves to see new scenes — sights which have 
not yet been made commonplace — is strongly advised to outfit 
at Gallup, traverse the desert for three or four days and pitch 
his tent in the superb Canyon de Chelly, true home of the cliff 
ruins in all their glory, but on account of its difficult access 
practically unknown. The canyon is about twenty miles long, 
with two tributary canyons, Del Muerto and Monument. Access 
to the bottom of the canyon, the walls of which are narrow, 
lofty and precipitous, may be had by wagon only at the mouth, 
although there are a couple of rather difficult' horse trails toward 
the center of the canyon. Indeed, for the traveler on horse 
there is but little difficulty of approaching the canyon from any 
direction. Thus it may be reached on horseback from Ft. Defi- 
ance, or from Keam's Canyon in Tusayan by a day's ride. 

59 



Typical Pueblo Ruin in Chaco Canyon. 

Within the canyon over one hundred and sixty ruins have 
been located, varying in size from a single room to great villages 
numbering almost a hundred rooms. The character of the sites 
is equally diversified, for while some occupy open and defenseless 
positions in the plains, others are found occupying lofty ledges 
or recesses in the face of the canyon walls, approach to which is 
almost impossible. The character, age and in fact the entire 
problem of ancient canyon ruins, as illustrated in de Chelly, is 
most thoroughly discussed by Mindeleff, and those who wish 
to study this interesting subject can not do better than examine 
this grand canyon with Mindeleff's paper as their guide. 

The Canyon de Chelly possesses additional interest inasmuch 
as in the valleys are thousands of peach trees, dating from early 
Spanish times, and which have long belonged to the Navaho, 
who formerly resorted to this canyon in large numbers for pur- 
poses of agriculture. 

Age of the Cliff Ruins 

It was formerly the custom to designate all ruins of this entire 
region as Aztec and to ascribe to them an Aztec origin. In con- 
nection with this opinion it was currently believed that these 
ruins were of an immense antiquity. Both opinions are now 
believed to be largely erroneous. The builders of these ancient 
cities were in all probability tribes which build to-day similar 

60 



habitations in both New Mexico and Arizona, i. e., the present 
pueblo peoples, and we must look upon their ancestors as the 
original occupants. 

The Cochiti, who occupy a pueblo a few miles south of Santa 
Fe on the Rio Grande, have a well-defined tradition that their 
ancestors formerly occupied cities now in ruins in Frejoles 
canyon. This fact has been made use of by Bandelier in his 
valuable but too little read novel, "The Delight Makers." The 
Hopi also have well defined traditions regarding a time when 
certain clans occupied certain pueblos or cliff dwellings in the 
Canyon de Chelly, while similar traditions exist in Zuni and many 
other pueblos, and even among the Navaho. Nor does it seem 
possible to assign any great antiquity to ruins even of cliff dwel- 
lings in the canyons of the Mesa Verde ; for we have credible evi- 
dence that certain ruins were occupied certainly within a period 
of four hundred years, while the oldest ruin of the entire region 
perhaps does not antedate a period of one or two thousand 
years, although it must be admitted in regard to certain ruins 
that there is no evidence that they were not occupied several 
thousand years ago. 

In regard to the character of the ruins, it may be observed, 
first, that the cliff ruins occupying, in many instances, almost 
inaccessible positions in the canyons, owe their sites to the neces- 
sity which their occupants had of protection against marauding 
bands of Shoshonean and Athapascan stocks, such as the Ute, 
Piute, Apache, etc. It is also possible that the original build- 
ers of the cliff houses chose these shelves in the canyons owing 
to the opportunity which was afforded them of constructing 
habitations at a slight expense of labor, the nature of the recess 
itself demanding but a single wall, occupying a position in front 

of or facing the | ; 

canyon to com- 
plete the dwell- 



ing. 

There has 




also been much 
sp eculation 
concerning the 
use of the sev- 
eral towers 






■ 



General View of Pueblo Bonito and Chaco Canyon. 



White House, Canyon de Chelly. 



which form interesting features of these cliff cities, and it is 
commonly regarded that they served as watch towers. Owing 
to Fewkes' researches, however, upon some towers found in 
the vicinity of ruins in Arizona, it seems that these towers 
were not built for watch towers, but to aid in the capture of 
eagles, and it is possible that the towers of the cliff country 
were built for a similar purpose. 

As the people of the canyons gained greater confidence in 
their ability to ward off their enemies, owing to their increase in 
population, towns were built along the valleys; but even here 
they took effective measures for defense. The great city of 
Bonito, for instance, was so constructed that the terraces of the 
houses 'faced toward a great inner plaza, there being exposed on 
the outside a broad expanse of high wall. For various reasons, 
the former inhabitants of the cliff ruins migrated toward the 
south. The chief factor in this movement was probably the 
difficulty of sustaining life in the canyons and owing to the great 
convenience afforded by the more open plains. 

Concerning the habitations which were excavated in the 
soft volcanic rock, and which occur most frequently in the region 
now under discussion, it may be observed that the ease with 
which comfortable chambers could be excavated was probably 
the underlying motive in their construction ; for they are found 
only in regions where small natural canyons or caves abound 

62 



in the volcanic tufa, such as exist in the region in northern New 
Mexico just west of Espanola on the Rio Grande, and in Arizona 
in the region about Flagstaff. 

The character of the life of the people of the ancient cliff 
and valley ruins probably did not differ materially from that 
of the pueblo people of to-day. They cultivated cotton to a 
considerable extent; they were expert basketmakers, and 
excelled especially in the art of pottery. Instead of the buck- 
skin moccasins of to-day, sandals of plaited yucca stems or woven 
of cotton in many colors, were worn. Many objects of a cere- 
monial nature have been found which lead to the conclusion that 
in ancient times ceremonies were performed, presumably not 
unlike those which may still be observed. It is interesting to 
note also that among these ancient ruins we often find a kiva 
or estufa, which forms such an intrinsic feature of pueblo life 
to-day, where were performed the secret rites of esoteric societies. 

Fortunately for the student, owing largely to the dryness 
and purity of the atmosphere of the Southwest, large numbers 
of objects have been preserved throughout a period of several 
generations. Thus we can reconstruct the life of the ancient 
dwellers of these ruins. From our knowledge of the present 
pueblos, we are able to interpret practically all of the objects 
which are found in connection with the so-called mummies 
or desiccated bodies and buried as mortuary objects. Among 
the thousands of specimens which have been found are three 
or four of very great value, the use of which has disappeared 
from the tribes of the Southwest. This is the so-called atlatl 
or throwing stick. With these, in former times, a spear or 
javelin was hurled to a great distance owing to the added 
impulse, the throwing stick serving as a lever. In addition to 
the mortuary objects found with the mummies there is often 
encountered wrapped about the bodies beautiful feather cloth 
and other garments of cotton, often in good state of preservation. 
As a rule the dead in these ancient ruins were deposited either 
in a chamber at the rear of the hous.e, which was walled up, or 
in the floors of the living chambers. In the latter are often 
found the metates or mealing stones, earthenware vessels, etc., 
not unlike those still in use. Even in the arrangement of the 
rooms we find many similarities to existing types of architecture. 

Allusion has already been made to the fact that one of the 



63 



regions of the land of the cliff dwellers is now being preserved 
from the hands of vandals. It is high time that such action on 
the part of the National Government were taken ; for a thought- 
less individual with the aid of a stick of wood can in a few min- 
utes topple over some great beautiful wall of a ruin which has 
stood for centuries, and which if unmolested would stand perhaps 
an even greater number of centuries. Greatly to be commended 
is the effort put forth by a band of energetic ladies of Denver, 
known as the Cliff Dwellers Association, who have as their object 
the preservation of the ruins in the canyons of the Mesa Verde. 
Every one who is interested in the preservation of any of the 
evidences of man's former habitation on this continent should 
lend every aid possible toward the extension of this movement 
in the Southwest, which looks to the setting aside of national 
parks, the protection of which shall be assumed by the Govern- 
ment. These splendid ruins form a priceless heritage in which 
every true citizen of the United States should not only feel a 
just pride, but in which he should exert all his influence, that 
they may be transmitted to future generations in all their per- 
fection. 




Lower Rio Grande Pueblos 



Cochiti — Santo Domingo 



San Filipe — Sandia 
Isleta 



Santa Ana — Sia — Jemez 




N order to visit the first three of the lower Rio 
Grande pueblos, the most convenient center is 
Thornton, situated near the mouth of the Galis- 
teo River where it empties into the Rio Grande, 
and where the main line of the Santa Fe turns 
abruptly south, following the course of the latter 
river. At present there is no hotel in Thornton, 
but travelers may obtain meals at a Chinese restaurant. 
Those who prefer to make their headquarters at the Alvarado 
Hotel in Albuquerque may use the morning train to Thornton, 
where a team will await their arrival if due notice has been 
given the Thornton station agent. Ample opportunity is 
afforded for a visit to Santo Domingo and Cochiti, or Santo 
Domingo and San Filipe, before the arrival of the return train 
to Albuquerque in the evening. 

It is to be noticed that with the exception of Jemez, Isleta 
and Hano, we have now left the territory of the Tanoan pueblos 
and have entered that of the Keresen speaking pueblos. 



67 




Annual Ceremony at Cochiti. 



Cochiti 

This interesting 
pueblo of about two 
hundred and fifty 
inhabitants, recently 
brought to prominent 
notice by the re- 
searches of Professor 
Starr of the Univer- 
sity of Chicago, is sit- 
uated about ten 
miles from Thorn- 
ton, from which it 
is easily reached 
by a daily stage, leaving Thornton at ten in the morning 
and arriving at Cochiti at a quarter of twelve. Return to 
Thornton can be made on the same day by the return stage, 
which leaves Cochiti at a quarter past three, the fare for the 
round trip being two dollars. An earlier start may be made 
from Thornton by private conveyance, which must be arranged 
for in advance. "Accommodation for the night may be secured 
at Cochiti in the Mexican boarding-house, or Government 
school. 

The town occupies a picturesque site on a broad plain facing 
and about thirty feet above the river. Contrary to the custom 
in pueblos, the houses as a rule are detached, and are generally 
of a single story. Occupying a prominent place in the unusually 
large plaza are the great circular walls of the kiva or estufa, pro- 
jecting like a turret to the level of the surrounding houses. Of 
the secret mysteries which take place here practically nothing 
is known ; for in spite of the fact that the Cochiti are nominally 
Catholics , 
they are in- 
tensely con- 
servative 
and still 
preserve 
their a n- 
cient relig- 
ious rites. 





Estufa at Cochiti. 



They have many public ceremonial performances, the best 
known and one of the most interesting occurring on July 14th. 

Near the pueblo are many interesting shrines, where the 
priests make sacrificial offerings. The most famous of these 
is the so-called Potrero de las Vaeas, where there is a pair of 
mountain lions sculptured from the living rock. Near Cochiti, 
among many other points of interest, is a famous cave, Arena 
Pintata, the walls of which bear some remarkable paintings in 
color. 




General View of Santo Domingo Pueblo. 



Cochiti is chiefly famous in recent times for the manufacture 
carried on by one or two individuals of large numbers of spurious 
antiquities in the nature of stone idols, averaging from two to 
three feet in height, large numbers of which may be seen in the 
collections of the various eurio dealers of the country. The 
pottery of Cochiti, manufactured in considerable quantity, 
consists largely of vessels simulating animal forms, and large 
jars with floral ornamentations in color. Cochiti was the home 
for years of that well-known explorer of the Southwest, Adolph 
Bandelier. 

Santo Domingo 

This interesting and conservative pueblo, numbering about 
six hundred and fifty inhabitants, is located on the east bank 




of the Rio Grande River, two miles and a half west of the 
station of Thornton. It can be reached on foot in a half 
hour's time, or may be visited by means of conveyance 
from Thornton. 

The streets, four in number, three running at right 
angles to the river, are very broad and dirty, but 
extremely picturesque. Here and there are the native 
ovens, piles of firewood and the rude kilns for firing the 
pottery. The adobe houses are never more than two 
stories in height, and are rather larger than the usual 
pueblo domicile. In one of the streets rises the great cir- 
cular wall of the kiva with its ladder beams projecting far 
above the tops of the surrounding houses. There are 
many interesting features in the quaint old town, among 
them an old Spanish church in a fair state of preserva- 
tion. Owing to the conservativeness of the inhabitants, 
they have retained many objects belonging to the old 
: regime and of great interest to the tourists and the 
student of ethnology, although objects of this nature 
are not easily purchased. Pottery is made at Santo 
.A Clown, Santo D • Q in limite d quantities, consisting almost entirely 
Dommgo Ceremony. ^ & ^ ^ ^ ^ decorations in black . 

Santo Domingo possesses many religious ceremonies of great 
beauty and interest, the best known being held annually on 
August 4th, and witnessed by a great crowd of white visitors from 
Albuquerque, Santa Fe and other New Mexican cities, as well 
as by many Indians from neighboring pueblos and from the 
Navaho and Apache country. The performance, preceded by 




PlazalofiSanto Domingo}During Performance of Annual August 



three days' secret rites, lasts from early morning until late at 
night, and consists of a series of dances in the plaza by two 
alternating groups of over one hundred men, women and chil- 
dren, all gaily and picturesquely dressed in native costume. 
In addition to the dancers in each group are about fifty musi- 
cians. About three hundred people thus appear during the day. 
The dance comprises numerous and complicated movements, 
given in such rhythm and precision as to compel the highest 
admiration. Of great interest are the antics of several fan- 
tastically dressed men who may be termed clowns. It is doubt- 
ful if a more striking pageant is offered the visitor by any tribe 
in America than may be seen on this. day. when the ceremony 
is at its full height. 



San Filipe 

This Keresen town of 
five hundred and fifty in- 
habitants lies on the east 
bank of the Rio Grande 
River, and may be 
reached by carriage from 
Thornton, or, better still, 
from the town of Berna- 
lillo, from which it is situ- 
ated three miles. There is 
but little of general 
interest to the tourist in Spanish Church, San Filipe. 

the town, and one may 

perhaps see quite enough of it from the windows of the train 
en route to Albuquerque. 

Albuquerque 

For the visit to the remaining pueblos included in this group, 
Albuquerque will be the most convenient starting-point, for 
in this enterprising and rapidly growing modern city of New 
Mexico may be found good hotel accommodations, together with 
a number of well equipped livery stables. With the improve- 
ments recently made by the Santa Fe Railway, the desirability 
of Albuquerque as headquarters is greatly increased. 




71 



In connection with a station unique in the West is the 
Alvarado, a Harve}^ hotel, unsurpassed for beauty and con- 
venience. Near the hotel and forming part of an extended 
structure, built in the Spanish Mission style, are two buildings 
devoted to the Indian collections. The first contains a per- 
manent exhibit, representative of the archeology and ethnology 
of the western tribes, and forming one of the most creditable 
museums west of the Mississippi River. The second structure 
is an immense hall, beautifully and tastefully arranged with 
native goods from nearly every part of America and from Africa 
and the islands of the Pacific. The objects in this hall are for 
sale, and it is doubtful if there is another salesroom so well 
stocked with rare and genuine specimens. The collector or 
relic hunter would be exceedingly exacting who could not find 
something here to suit his desire. Travelers are strongly recom- 
mended to break their journey and spend at least one day in 
these two charming and fascinating buildings, filled with rare 
and costly baskets, beautiful blankets, symbolic pottery, and 
strange and curious ceremonial objects. 

For a visit to the four pueblos of Sandia, Santa Ana, Sia 
and Jemez, which all lie north of Albuquerque and to the 
west of the Rio Grande River, the Albuquerque and Jemez 
Springs stage line will be found most convenient. The stage 
leaves Albuquerque on Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday 
mornings at five o'clock, making the journey through to 
Jemez Springs at the end of the stage route the same day, 
and passing the four above-named pueblos en route. 

Sandia 




This small Tanoan 
pueblo , occupying a 
gentle rise from the 
bottom lands on the 
west bank of the Rio 
Grande, numbers less 
than one hundred and 
fifty inhabitants. It 
may be easily seen as 
the train approaches 
the small station of 
Alameda, a short 



the Indian Room, Hotel Alvarado, Albuquerque. 




Chtirch at S audi a. 

Santa Ana 



distance above 
Al buquerque. 
The pueblo may 
be reached by 
means of the stage , 
which passes near 
the village at half- 
past six in the 
morning, the fare 
from Albuquerque 
being two dollars. 



This is a Keresen pueblo lying about fifteen miles beyond 
Sandia and about eight miles off the line of the stage from 
Albuquerque to Jemez Springs. It may be reached by private 
conveyance in six hours from Albuquerque. The pueblo is 
situated in the valley of the Jemez River, nine miles below 
Sia. The valley at this point is so sandy as to be nearly un- 
productive, and hence the people of Santa Ana desert their 
pueblo in spring and summer and take up their abode among 
their fields along the Rio Grande. The adobe houses of the 
town of Santa Ana rise in terraces to a height of two stories 
and face two long streets, parallel to the river. Back of the 
town rises a precipitous mesa to a height of twelve hundred 
feet. On the summit the small flocks of the Indians find scanty 
support. Near the village are many corrals, built of cedar. 
The village boasts a guest house where strangers are enter- 
tained, and a church in good repair, with some pretense of 
architecture. 

A considerable amount of pottery is still manu- 
factured in this pueblo, it being as a rule the white ware 
with ornamentation in black or red, somewhat resembling 
the well-known pottery of Zuni. 

Sia 

This is the smallest of all the Keresen pueblos, num- 
bering about one hundred inhabitants. The pueblo 
occupies a small elevation which rises from the bank of 
the Jemez River and is six miles northwest of Santa Ana 




A Woman of Sia 



and seventeen miles west of Bernalillo. The pueblo may be 
reached in seven hours by stage or private conveyance from 
Albuquerque. 

Mrs. Stevenson characterizes the early history of Sia as 
follows: "All that remains of the once popular pueblo of 
Sia is a small group of houses and a mere handful of people 
in the midst of one of the most extensive ruins of the South- 
west , the living relic of an almost extinct people and a pathetic 
tale of the ravages of warfare and pestilence. This picture is 
even more touching than the infant's cradle or the tiny sandal 
found buried in the cliff in the canyon walls. The Sia of 
to-day is in much the same condition as that of the ancient 
cave and cliff dweller as we restore their villages in imagina- 
tion." 

Most of the houses are not more than one story in height, 
and are built of water-worn boulders and volcanic scoria laid 
in rows between adobe mud. In the more modern houses 
the outside is plastered and the whole treated to a coat of 
whitewash. Owing to the lack of water supply the people 
have never been successful at agriculture and are obliged to 
resort to other means for a livelihood. The women of the pueblo 
are famous potters and manufacture beautiful ware of white, 
with red and brown decoration, which they dispose of to their 
more prosperous neighbors at Santa Ana and Jemez in exchange 
for agricultural products. 




Pueblo of Jemez 



Owing to their peculiar environment, the people of 
Sia have not made much progress toward the civiliza- 
tion of the white man, but have clung tenaciously to 
their old rites and customs. It was owing to this fact 
that Mrs. Stevenson made an exhaustive study of the 
Sia, a detailed account of her investigations forming 
one of the most valuable papers to be found in the 
Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology.* It 
requires but a superficial examination of this extended 
paper to show how great is the error when the con- 
clusion is reached after a hasty examination of any 
of these pueblos, that there no longer exists rites, 
traditions or customs of the ancient times. The 
great annual festival at Sia takes place on August 15th. 

Jemez 

This is a Tanoan pueblo of over four hundred 
inhabitants, situated seven miles north of the pueblo 
of Santa Ana and on the Jemez River. It is near 
the terminus of the Albuquerque and Jemez Springs 
stage route, from which former city it may be reached 
in nine hours, the round trip fare being twelve dollars. Jemez 
may also be reached directly from Thornton by means of a 
private conveyance from the livery stable, on a fairly good 
road thirty miles in length. Accommodation for the night 
may be had in the village with Mr. Charles Spader, an Indian 
trader and the postmaster. 

The location of the village is extremely picturesque, as it is 
near the mouth of a canyon the walls of which rise to a height 
of nearly two thousand 
feet. To the northwest 
of Jemez at a distance 
of about thirteen miles 
are the ruins of an ex- 
tensive pueblo, claimed 
by the present people of 
Jemez as the ancient 




I si eta Woman. 



'Vol. XI. 




I si eta Women Offering Pottery to Santa Fe 
Train Passengers. 



Pueblo of Isleta. 

home of their ancestors, while intervening are the ruins of 
several smaller pueblos. The houses of the present pueblo are 
built close together, are of adobe and generally of two stories 
in height. They face two streets which extend both north and 
south of the long, narrow and irregular plaza. On the southeast 
side of the village are several hard earth circular areas used as 
threshing floors, where wheat is threshed by the hoofs of 
horses, and winnowed by means of primitive shovels aided by 
an unfailing south breeze. In addition to a Catholic church 
and mission, Jemez has a Presbyterian mission school. 

The people of Jemez raise bountiful crops of corn and wheat, 
and are in a fairly comfortable condition. 

At Jemez dwell the last survivors of the old pueblo of Pecos, 
a Tahoan pueblo of the Glorieta Mountains east of Santa Fe, 
which was abandoned in 1830 and whose history has been so 
thoroughly investigated by A. F. Bandelier. 

Isleta 

This is by far the largest of the Tahoan pueblos, numbering 
over a thousand inhabitants. It is also the most westerly of the 
Tahoan pueblos except the little village of Hano, which occupies 
one of the Hopi mesas. The village is pleasantly located on the 
west bank of the Rio Grande River, about thirteen miles south 
of Albuquerque, and within a stone's throw of the main line of 
the Santa Fe Railway. There is a station at the village, and 
hence the pueblo may be easily visited by leaving the railroad 



at the station or by a drive of about two hours from the city of 
Albuquerque. The drive from Albuquerque to the village is 
strongly recommended. 

Although of unusual size for an Indian pueblo, Isleta has lost 
many of the characteristics of a true Indian town, this being 
due probably to the presence of a large Roman Catholic church 
and the constant attendance of a priest. The country about 
the pueblo is fertile in the extreme and is crossed and recrossed 
by irrigating ditches, which make possible prosperous crops 
of alfalfa and wheat. 

Notwithstanding the presence of a well preserved church, 
together with the well kept quarters of the padre, Isleta still 
possesses an estufa or native temple, in which certain ancient 
religious observances are retained, and from which the priests 
appear at the time of their annual festival on August 28th. 
The visitor probably will be struck at once with the fact that, 
modern as the pueblo seems in many ways, he will probably be 
unable to obtain admission to this kiva, or half-sunken, circular, 
underground temple, which may be entered only from the hole 
in the roof. The houses and streets of the pueblo are well kept 
and clean, and inasmuch as the dwellings of the village are, like 
the Mexican quarters generally of this region, of a single story, 
the pueblo covers a large area. Within the houses are many 
evidences of the white man's civilization, such as beds, chairs 
and domestic utensils; but the primitive method of grinding 
corn into meal is still retained and in the majority of the houses 
one may see in the corner a bin with a stone metate for this 
purpose. 

Isleta was for many years the home of that interesting writer, 
Mr. Charles F. Lummis, who has written impressions of his visit 
here, in his delightful books, "Strange Corners of Our Country," 
and "A Tramp Across the Continent." 




The Western Keresen Pueblos 

Laguna — Acoma — Enchanted Mesa 
VISIT to the two pueblos of Laguna and Acoma, 




and the famous Mesa Encantada or enchanted 
mesa, necessitates but a single break in the 
journey to the west after one has left Albu- 
querque, which is made at the station of Laguna, 
sixty-six miles west of Albuquerque. Inasmuch 



as the Unlimited passes through Isleta late at 
night and consequently reaches Laguna still later, perhaps the 
author's experience in reaching these two pueblos may be of 
value. The overland train was left at Albuquerque in the 
evening and on the following morning a freight train was taken 
for Isleta, reaching there about nine o'clock in the morning. 
Three hours were devoted to Isleta, whereupon another freight 
train was boarded, arriving at Laguna about four o'clock in the 
afternoon, thus affording an opportunity for exploring this 
latter pueblo during the remainder of that day. Early the 
following morning the journey to Acoma was begun. 

Laguna 

This is the largest of the Keresen pueblos and numbers over 
eleven hundred inhabitants. By advance arrangement with 
R. G. Marmon, whose new home near the depot has been 
specially fitted up for transient travel, good room and board may 



79 



be secured at Laguna ; or fair accommodation may be had at the 
section-house adjacent to the station. Should the tourist not 
be able to stop at this village he may compensate himself with 
the thought that should he pass it in the daytime he will have 
a good opportunity of seeing a large portion of its people, inas- 
much as the train passes along the edge of the town and the 
majority of the inhabitants proceed to the station, all eager to 
dispose of their pottery wares. 

The pueblo of Laguna is really but one of a group of nine 
villages. It is, however, the largest, and the other villages 
may be considered summer residences while the people are look- 
ing after their crops. Although the people of Laguna are 
brought in close contact with the railroad, which naturally 
has something of a civilizing influence upon them, and although 
they have long since been accustomed to the teachings of a 
Spanish priest, and in more recent times to that of a missionary 
of the Presbyterian church, the people possess much more 
of their native life than was to be noted in the village of Isleta. 
The present location of the village, however, is not ancient, 
inasmuch as the town was founded toward the close of the 
eighteenth century, by clans from Acoma, Cochiti and other 
pueblos. 

The appearance of the town as seen from the railroad is 
rather picturesque as it nestles against the hill, the houses 
rising as a rule to the height of two stories. They are, as is 
general in all Indian pueblos, constructed with flat roofs which 
project over the walls. Within, the dwellings show traces of 
American influence, yet here and there may be seen in these 
dwellings rudely fashioned figures or dolls on the walls, and 
many other evidences of a vigorous native life. Light is 
admitted into many of the houses through large, thin blocks 




Pueblo of Laguna from Santa Fe Train. 



of fiuorite. Contrary to custom in older pueblos, the houses 
are not built of stone, but of adobe, after the fashion of the 
Mexicans, the outside being plastered and having the natural 
color of the soil. 

Although the men of the pueblo have entirely given up the 
old native costume, the women still cling to the dark blue 
native-made dresses which have been worn for hundreds of 
years, while on their feet they wear a moccasin of buckskin, 
which terminates in a long broad strip which is wound many 
times about the lower leg, similar to the style seen at Isleta. 
The pueblo boasts no kiva. A few traces of the ancient relig- 
ious ceremonies have been preserved, which, however, have 
been somewhat modified by the influence of the Spanish priests. 

The great industry of the women is manufacturing pottery, 
which they produce in very large quantities, and offer to the pas- 
sengers as the train stops. This pottery is of a great variety of 
forms, generally graceful and beautiful in outline and neatly 
decorated in red and brown colors, over a white ground. The 
women seem never to have successfully acquired the art of firing 
the pottery, and as a consequence it is not as serviceable as that 
produced by their neighbors at Acoma. With the exception of 
the Acoma pottery, however, it is the best pottery which is 
offered to the tourist along the line of the Santa Fe Railway. 
It is possible, by means of a short stroll through the village, 
to witness the manufacture and burning of the pottery in all 
its stages. 

One of the religious festivals of Laguna has thus been 
described by Mr. Lummis, in "A Tramp Across the Continent" : 

"The house-tops were brilliant with a gorgeously appareled 
throng of Indian spectators, watching with breathless interest 
the strange scene at their feet. Up and down the plaza's 
smooth floor of solid rock the thirty dancers were leaping, 
marching, wheeling, in perfect rhythm to the wild chant of 
the chorus, and to the pom-pom of a huge drum. Their 
faces were weirdly besmeared with vermilion and upon 
their heads were war-bonnets of eagle feathers. Some car- 
ried bows and arrows, some elaborate tomahawks — though 
that was never a characteristic weapon of the Pueblo 
Indians — some lances and shields, and a few revolvers and 
Winchesters. They were stripped to the waist and wore 



81 



Laguna during January Ceremony. 

curious skirts of buckskin reaching to the knee, ponderous 
silver belts— of which some dancers had two or three apiece— 
and an endless profusion of silver bracelets and rings, silver, 
turquoise, and coral necklaces and ear-rings, and sometimes 
beautifully beaded buckskin leggings. The captain or leader 
had a massive necklace of the terrible claws of the grizzly bear. 
He was a superb Apollo in bronze; fully six feet three inches 
tall and straight as an arrow. His long raven hair was done 
up in a curious wad on the top of his head and stuck full of 
eagle feathers. His leggings were the most elaborate I ever 
saw— one solid mass, being of elegant bead-work. He carried 
in his hand a long, steel-pointed lance, decorated with many 
gay-colored ribbons, and he used this much after the fashion of a 
drum-major. 

"When we first arrived upon the scene, and for halt an 
hour thereafter, the dancers were formed in a rectangle, stand- 
ing five abreast and six deep, jumping up and down in a sort 
of rudimentary clog-step, keeping faultless time and ceaselessly 
chanting to the 'music' of two small bass drums. The words 
were not particularly thrilling, consisting chiefly, it seemed to 

82 



my untutored ear, of 'Ho! o-o-o-h! Ho! Ho! Ah! Ho!' but the 
chant was a genuine melody, though different in all ways from 
any tune you will hear elsewhere. Then the leader gave a 
yelp like a dog, and started off over the smooth rock floor, 
the whole chorus following in single file, leaping high into the 
air and coming down, first on one foot and then on the other, 
one knee stiff and the other bent, and still singing at the top 
of their lungs. No matter how high they jumped, they still 
came down in unison with each other and with the tap of the 
rude drums. No clog-dancer could keep more perfect time 
to music than do these queer leapers. The evolutions of their 
'grand march' are too intricate for description, and would com- 
pletely bewilder a fashionable leader of the German. They 
wound around in snakelike figures, now and then falling into 
strange but regular groups, never getting confused, never 
missing a step of their laborious leaping. And such endurance 
of lung and muscle ! They keep up their jumping and shouting 
all day and all night. During the whole of this serpentine 
dance, the drums and the chorus kept up their clamor, while 
the leader punctuated the chant by a series of wild whoops at 
regular intervals. All the time too, while their legs were busy, 
their arms were not less so. They kept brandishing aloft 
their various weapons, in a significant style that 'would make 
a man hunt tall grass if he saw them out on the plains,' as 
Phillips declared." 




Tablita Dance, Acoma. 



Acoma 

This is a Keresen pueblo of five hundred and fifty inhabit- 
ants, and may be reached from Laguna by means of a carriage 
in about three hours. Conveyance may be secured from Mr. 
Bibo, the trader at Isleta, or from Mr. Marmon, the usual 
fare being five dollars for one passage, or three dollars each for 
two. Competent drivers are furnished who speak both English 
and Indian tongues. The trail after leaving Laguna soon 
crosses the Puerco River, when one ascends by a sandy road 
to the summit of a rough and wild plateau shaded with a thick 
growth of pihon and chaparral. Thence one passes by many 
twists and turns down into a somewhat level plain. To the 



Old Spanish Church, Acoma. 

left of the road stands the lofty Mesa Encantada, like a plinth 
awaiting its statue, which we shall notice on our return, while 
beyond, on the western edge of the plain, rises a rocky precipice, 
nearly four hundred feet in height, upon which stands Acoma, 
"the most wonderful aboriginal city on earth, cliff built, cloud 
swept, matchless." 

After a visit to the pueblos of the Rio Grande, which occupy 
as a rule unromantic sites along the river, surrounded by fields 
of alfalfa and orchards of peaches, the first sight of this lofty 
perched pueblo must come as a revelation. As one nears the 
pedestal upon which Acoma stands it seems that he is looking 

84 



upon the ruins of some series of castles of giants, for the rock, in 
the lapse of the ages during which it has been exposed to wind 
and weather, has been carved into battlements, buttresses, walls, 
columns and deep recesses. The view on every hand from this 
point is a scene not soon forgotten. The trail continues on 
around to the right of the mesa, passing enormous sand dunes 
which have found a resting-place near the sides of the rock, 
as though overcome in their attempt to overwhelm the very 
mesa itself. 

Passing on and up over the side of this heap of sand, which 
rises and falls like sea billows, one finally comes to a precipitous 
trail which leads up to the mesa summit. Here is a pueblo 
which occupies a position where in 1540 it made stout resistance 
to Coronado, and where from that day to this it has success- 
fully resisted foes both red and white, and where in all prob- 
ability it made resistance against the fierce marauding bands 
of Navaho and Apache many hundred years before Coronado 
began his march. 

One is immediately struck on entering the pueblo with its 
great regularity, there being three long parallel rows of houses 
extending across the flat summit, each row consisting of houses 
of terraced form and three stories in height. The height of 
the rock and adobe built houses is about forty feet, while the 
rows themselves are a little over a thousand feet in length. 
It is difficult to conceive the infinite toil it required to build 
these houses, the material being transported long distances on 
the backs of human burden bearers. 

Between the three rows of houses are two long, narrow 
streets of rock. On one side of each street is the first story 
or terrace of the house, while on the opposite side is the rear 
wall, blank and forbidding, of the third story houses. One 
of the streets near the center of the village assumes unusual 
width, and here is the plaza in which the dances and other 
religious ceremonies are held. Entrance to the houses may 
be had, as a rule, only by means of a ladder which leads up to 
the roof of the first terrace, where one may pass to the lower 
floor or enter by means of doors to the rooms of the second 
terrace, or pass again by a ladder to the third story rooms. 
Here and there along the streets may be seen conical ovens, 
probably borrowed from the Spaniards. 



85 



On the east side of the village, occupying the edge of the 
cliff, stand the ruins of an ancient adobe church, its lofty out- 
lines sharply silhouetted against the sky. This church is one of 
the wonders of the Southwest and is hardly less interesting 
than Acoma's terraced houses. One side of the churchyard 
is "made ground," its retaining wall, massive in character, 
being built up from the cliff. The adobe material for this 
church, as well as that for the houses of the village, was brought 
from the plain far below, upon the backs of men, toiling upward 
over the precipitous and forbidding trail. In the crumbling 
walls of this old church may be learned in epitome one of the 
many chapters in the history of this marvelous Southwest. 
The story is this: 

The Spanish priests on their arrival were uniformly treated 
with great consideration, and easily gained a foothold. In 
nearly all of the pueblos, as here at Acoma, the}^ succeeded 
in winning the good graces of the natives, which resulted in 
the rearing of a pretentious place of worship, fitted up within 
in barbaric splendor, with lofty towers on the outside surmounted 
with bronze bells of Mexico or Spain. Within the walls of these 
churches for many years the priests met the Indians on common 
ground, and the old pagan ceremonies continued to be enacted, 
but with new names and in new form. But from time to time, 
now in this pueblo, now in that, the priests, for one cause or 
another, lost their power over the people and in many of the 
pueblos were entirely driven out, and the old church was per- 
mitted to fall into decay, but in the native religious ceremonies 
there survived for many years after, and even still survive, 
curious strains of the Catholic religion. The most important 
and best known ceremony is held annually on September 2d. 

Acoma, though its church is in ruins, is still visited by a 
padre from time to time, the service embracing strange offerings 
and dances never known in the old world. 

The men of the village of to-day cultivate their fields, which 
lie at a distance of some fifteen miles from the pueblo. They 
are not unmindful of the advantages to be derived from the 
simpler kinds of agricultural implements to be found at the 
stores of the trader, and evidences of this wisdom may be 
seen in the houses and store rooms, as well as in the horses and 
flocks of sheep in the valley below. 



86 



Thomas Moran and Party at foot of Acoma Mesa. 



The life of the woman of the pueblo is not unlike that of 
the women of other pueblos. Much of her time is spent in 
carrying water from the spring at the foot of the mesa, or from 
the great reservoir on its summit, in which is stored the water 
from the winter and spring rainfalls, and which furnishes an 
almost inexhaustible supply. In fact, to this so-called "ladle 
of Acoma" is probably due one of the secrets of the stubborn 
resistance which the town has been able to make toward its 
enemies, and which will exert a great influence toward the 
retention of the village in its present almost inaccessible loca- 
tion. Much of the woman's time is also spent over the metate 
or mealing bins, which may be seen in every house, where she 
converts corn into meal. 

The chief ability and glory of the Acoma woman is in the 
manufacture of pottery. This art has been continued in an 
unbroken line from ancient days to the present. Acoma 
pottery is famous throughout the Southwest for its beautiful 
and graceful form and for its carefully applied decoration. 
Furthermore, the Acoma woman understands thoroughly the 
art of firing pottery and making vessels of thin, graceful outline. 
The finished product has a sonorous ring quite in contrast to 
the dull, leaden sound so characteristic of much of the inferior 
pottery found among the upper Rio Grande pueblos. The 
gracefulness of the Acoma pottery is seen to its best advantage 




A Zuni Trader at A coma. 



when it is skilfully poised upon the 
heads of a long line of women passing 
to and fro between their houses and 
the reservoir in their daily journey for 
water. 

Mr. Lummis has spoken thus of his 
reception, and impression of Acoma, 
in "A Tramp Across the Continent": 
" We were handsomely entertained 
in the comfortable and roomy house of 
Martin Calle, the seven-times governor 
of the pueblo — a fine-faced, kindly, still 
active man of ninety, who rides his 
plunging broncho to-day as firmly as the best of them, and 
who in the years since our first meeting has become a valued 
friend. With him that day was his herculean war-captain, 
Faustino. I doubt if there was ever carved a manlier frame 
than Faustino's; and certain it is that there never was a face 
nearer the ideal Mars. A grand, massive head, outlined in 
strength rather than delicacy; great, rugged features, yet 
superbly moulded withal — an eye like a lion's, nose and fore- 
head full of character, and a jaw which was massive but brutal, 
calm but inexorable as fate. I have never seen a finer face — 
for a man whose trade is war, that is. Of course it would hardly 
fit a professor's shoulders. But it will always stand out in my 
memory with but two or three others — the most remarkable 
types I have ever encountered. One of the Council accom- 
panied us, too, a kindly, intelligent old man named Jose Miguel 
Chino — since gone to sleep in the indeterminate jumble of the 
gray graveyard. 

"In a 'street' paved with the eternal rock of the mesa were 
a hundred children playing jubilantly. It was a pleasant 
sight, and they were pleasant children. I have never seen any 
of them fighting, and they are as bright, clean-faced, sharp- 
eyed and active as you find in an American schoolyard at recess. 
The boys were playing some sort of Acoma tag, and the girls 
mostly looked on. I don't know that they had the scruples 
of the sex about boisterous play. But nearly every one of 
them carried a fat baby brother or sister on her back, in the 
bight of her shawl. These uncomplaining little nurses were from 



twelve years old down to five. Truly, the Aeoma maiden begins 
to be a useful member of the household at an early age. 

"Coming back from an exploration of the great church 
with its historic paintings, and the dizzy 'stone ladder' where 
the patient moccasins of untold generations have worn their 
imprint six inches deep in the rock, I found the old governor 
sitting at his door, indulging in the characteristic 'shave' of 
his people. He was impassively pecking away at his bronze 
cheeks and thinking about some matter of state. The aborigine 
does not put a razor to his face, but goes to the root of the 
matter — plucking out each hirsute newcomer bodily by pinch 
of fingernails, or with knife blade against his thumb, or with 
tweezers. 

* * * Then the runners and the judges went down 
to the plain, while every one else gathered on the edge of the 
cliff. At the signal, the twelve light, clean-faced athletes started 
off like deer. Their running costume consisted of the dark- 
blue patarabo, or breech-clout, and their sinewy trunks and 
limbs were bare. Each side had a stick about the size of a 
lead-pencil ; and as they ran, they had to kick this along in front 
of them, never touching it with 
the fingers. The course was 
around a wide circuit which 
included the mesa of Aeoma 
and several other big hills. I 
was told afterward that the 
distance was a good twentv- 
five miles. The Aeoma boys, 
who won the race, did it in 
two hours and thirty-one min- 
utes — which would be good 
running, even without the 
stick-kicking arrangement." 

The wonders of Aeoma, the 
marvelous effect of desert, 
plain and blue sky are not to 
be absorbed in a single dav, 
and one could spend many 
days in the fascinating con- 
templation of rugged nature 




The Hot 



The Enchanted Mesa. 

and the still more wonderful aerielike village made by the 
hand of man. Except in the manufacture of pottery, the 
people of Acoma make no provision for the entertainment of 
The visitor, and all too soon we shall be obliged to set out^on 
the return journey to Laguna for that greater journey to the 
west, where larger, more primitive and more interesting pueblos 
await us. 

The Enchanted Mesa 

This enormous pinnacle of rock which seems to rise sheer 
out of the plain, and to which we gave but scant attention on 
the journey to Acoma, must now be noted m more detail. 
According to the ancient tradition the summit of this rock, 
the so-called Mesa Encantada, was in ancient times the home 
of the people of Acoma. It is said there took place a mighty 
cataclysm, by means of which the single trail, so steep a 
precipitous, was broken away from the mother rock. Upon 
the summit were left a remnant of the village to perish the 
majority of the inhabitants being engaged at the time m the 
small villages in their cultivated fields. 

This tradition, handed down from one generation to another, 
and early noted by the Spaniards, was generally believed. 



90 



Zuni Kaicina Dance. 



Two years ago, however, a representative of one of the Eastern 
universities decided to investigate the truthfulness of the 
legend. The ascent of the rock was made with difficulty, but 
nothing of interest was found. Shortly after, however, Mr. 
F. W. Hodge, then of the Bureau of Ethnology, and one who 
had long been familiar with the people of Acoma and their 
traditions and with the Southwest in general, revisited the 
summit of the mesa, and not only there, but in the talus, found 
unmistakable evidence of a former and ancient occupation — 
and thus was the old tradition of the Enchanted Mesa verified. 




91 



Zuni and the Seven Cities of Cibola 

On the Way — Thunder Mountain — Halona — Zuni — Industries — Shrines 

and Ruins 

NCE more we board the westward Unlimited, 
our destination this time being Gallup, which 
town we reach after a journey of ninety miles, 
passing on the way (its position being plainly 
marked by a sign-board) the Continental 
divide, at an elevation of seven thousand 
two hundred and fifty-seven feet. 
Gallup is the starting-point to Zuni, the largest of all pueblos. 
At Zuni, that strange genius, Frank Hamilton Ciishing, passed 
many years of his life, during which time he successfully pene- 
trated, as no other ethnologist has done, the very holy of holies 
of the Indian mind. 

Gallup has several livery stables, which provide conveyance 
for the round trip to Zuni, at four to six dollars per diem, accord- 
ing to the party's size and the length of time required. The 
ride itself is a pleasant one and may be made in a comfortable 
carriage in eight hours. There is a trading post about half 
way on the route where the noonday meal may be obtained. 
The road throughout its length is good, passing over a rugged 
country always interesting, and penetrating in part of its length 
a region which formerly was a great forest of odoriferous pines, 
and which to-day yields a good supply of coal. 

A little further on we behold rising up out of an open plain 
Toyalone or Thunder Mountain, a lofty plateau, the home and 
shrine of the war god and the herald of Zuni. Here the sacred 
peaks of the strangely sculptured Kwiliyalone or Twin Moun- 

93 




tain are seen, and a few minutes later we behold a large com- 
munal city, the houses of which rise like a pyramid to the 
height of five stories, occupying a level plain on the southern 
bank of the Zuni River. 

Zuni is the heritor of the once famous seven cities of Cibola, 
the story of the search for which forms one of the most interest- 
ing chapters in the history of the great Southwest. The 
original seven cities have long since been abandoned, and their 
sites, like those of many other former Zuni towns, are to-day 
marked only by irregular mounds of earth from which project 
here and there, faint traces of the walls of the houses. Many 
of these ruins may be found only on the summits of rocky hills, 
or under the shelter of overhanging cliffs. Nor in 1540 were 
the seven cities of Cibola located on defensive sites, and even 
as early as the middle of the seventeenth century the great 
house cluster of the Zuni was on the north bank of the river, 
where, without natural defense, they were obliged to hold in 
check the marauding bands of Apache and Navaho. On 
Toyalone's summit, however, the present home of the war god, 
they found a retreat where they fled in 1540, and again in 1680, 
to escape the wrath of the Spaniards. Here it was, beginning 
in 1680, that they remained for twelve years, before they con- 
sented to take up their abode in the plain below. 

From a distance, and especially from the south, Zuni may 
be seen for many miles, having the appearance, owing to the 
variety in the height of its houses and the irregularities of the 
ground, of one of the great lava masses which may be seen in 
this region. Not only does Toyalone tower above the pueblo, 
but over the stately forms of other sacred peaks of the Zuni. 

Although so close to the very city itself, we may pause, 
before crossing the narrow stream which still separates us from 
the town, at a large, substantial two-story stone house, built 
under Mr. Cushing's direction. This house stands on the ruins of 
Halona, one of the earliest cities of Cibola, the site of which was 
explored by Mr. Cushing in 1886. Here we shall be able to 
arrange for our accommodation for the night, as well as for 
refreshment during the day, the building being now occupied 
by the Indian trader. 

Passing the river by means of a narrow plank bridge, we 
are confronted at once by the many corrals of adobe, which 



94 



General View of Zuni from Southwest. 



almost entirely surround Zuiii. To the traveler fresh from 
the streets of Acoma, probably the much-heralded Zuni is 
somewhat of a disappointment ; for the city has not that com- 
manding position on the summit of a lofty mesa which con- 
stantly inspires the feeling that one has left this modern world. 

Zuiii is rapidly becoming Mexicanized, for adobe is gradually 
replacing stone, and there is a painful abundance of doors and 
windows opening out on to the streets. However, one does 
not walk far through the tortuous streets until he fully realizes 
that in spite of the modernness of the houses, there is an atmos- 
phere prevading the town which is older than that of the 
Spanish conquest. The traveler will probably look for evidences 
of protection; in the site there was presumably nothing of 
protection, nor is the town surrounded by a wall like Taos; 
but he may see in the older southeastern portion of the town 
that the houses are extremely compact and rise tier above tier, 
to the height of five stories, and that this great mass is much 
larger in size than any similar house pyramid which he has 
seen in any other pueblo. He will also notice that the roofs of 

95 



the fifth-story houses are extensive in area, easily permitting 
the belief of the statement of the early writers, that formerly 
the town was seven stories in height. 

The streets, after those of Acoma, seem exceedingly short 
and tortuous. The view on every hand is restricted by high 
walls rising up and blocking off the passage, seemingly, in every 
direction; but after several turns we finally walk through a 
covered passageway and find ourselves in an unusually large, 
irregular plaza. In its center are the remains of an old Spanish 
adobe church, at the back of which is a burying- ground sur- 
rounded by a low adobe wall. The old church ruins are neither 
in so good a state of preservation nor so large and imposing as 
those at Acoma, while the doctrines early taught by the padres 
have been even more completely forgotten; in fact the Zuni 
are decided pagans. 

Continuing our preliminary survey of the village, we find 
that the region of the town lying to the west of the church seems 
more modern, and the houses do not rise to a greater height 
than two or three stories. There is much to prove that this 
part of the town has been added in comparatively recent times. 

One can not have gone even a short distance along the streets 
of Zuni before he has become impressed with the fact that while 
the walls of the houses are, as a rule, well kept and neatly plas- 
tered, the streets are not clean. Perhaps this unfavorable 
impression of the condition of Zuni streets is heightened by the 
presence of innumerable bob-tailed and disreputable dogs, 
bob-eared donkeys, scrawny chickens and black razor-backed 
pigs; but then, no one disputes the right of these domestic 
creatures to their share of the streets, nor would Zuni or any 
other Indian pueblo be complete without them. 




A Zuni Katcina Dance. 



There are a great many ladders in Zuni, in fact ladders 
spring up here and there out of the streets and from the roofs 
of houses until there seems to be a very wilderness of masts. 
Vieing only in number with the ladder poles are the chimneys, 
which rise from the flat roofs of the Zuni houses and bear a 
superficial resemblance to dwarfed bamboo poles of gigantic 
thickness ; for the chimneys consist simply of many earthen- 
ware vessels from which the bottoms have become detached 
by accident, one being placed above the other. 

Even on entering the ordinary Zuni home we still find the 
same evidence of neatness and precision, which, as a rule, 
characterizes the exterior of the houses, and there is an apparent 
absence of those objects which we ordinarily expect to find in 
a primitive pueblo. To be sure, in practically every house 
are to be found the mealing bins, and there is the fireplace in 
the corner, where the bread is baked into thin sheets or is boiled 
in corn husk packets in boiling water. Of weaving we shall 
see but little, as the Zuni men of to-day content themselves 
with loosely made garments of cotton after the fashion of the 
whites, while the few garments worn by the men in the cere- 
monies, together with the clothing of the women, are very 
largely purchased from the Hopi. The pottery industry is 
carried on upon a large scale, and one can not fail to be im- 
pressed at once with the beauty of the Zuni pottery or the 
semi-geometric designs which they follow with a simple bit of 
yucca stem, in colors of black, brown and red. 

The absence from the streets of those huge, circular, adobe, 
towerlike structures which form such a characteristic feature 
of the Rio Grande pueblos is also at once noticed. It seems 
that neither the circular estufa of the eastern, nor the rectan- 
gular kiva of the western pueblos, was ever known at Zuni ; but, 
instead, special secluded rooms were set apart in which the 
priests chanted the ritual and performed the ceremonies relating 
to their religious rites. Of these rites a great many exist in 
Zuni, there being no month in the year when it is not possible 
to behold one or more performances of this nature. The Zuni, 
however, in spite of a certain veneer of civilization which hovers 
over the village, are extremely conservative, and few indeed 
are the strangers who have ever witnessed any of these secret 
performances. Very many ceremonies, however, have con- 

97 



nected with them elaborate performances in the open air m 
the streets, which may be seen by all who may happen to be 
in the village at the time. 

Perhaps the most famous of these dances is that known as 
Shalako, held usually in November, and always witnessed 
by a great crowd of visitors, who gather from towns far and 
wide from both New Mexico and Arizona. Other ceremonies, 
abbreviated and extended, follow one another throughout the 
Zuhi calendar year with the greatest profusion. 

In disposition the Zuni are gentle, favorably disposed 
toward strangers and are always willing to enter into the pre- 
liminary negotiations for barter. Pottery, of course, can be 
secured in large or small quantities, and it is not at all difficult 
to purchase many varieties of stone implements which are in 
daily use, some of them, such as stone hatchets, being of ex- 
quisite workmanship and finish. The ordinary objects of cere- 
monial dress may also be secured, together with the many 
strand necklaces of shell and turquoise, in the manufacture of 
which the Zuni are experts. Certain of the Zuni men are also 
expert silversmiths and make many ob- 
jects from American or Mexican coins, 
such as finger rings, bracelets, belt buckles, 
rosettes, etc., which find their way 
to tourists. 

Many native industries may be 
seen in the course of a single day, 
such as the pottery-making, the 
spinning of yarn and the manufac- 
ture of cloth or cutting and sewing 
of moccasins, the drilling and grind- 
ing of the shells for the bead 
necklace, the building or repair- 
ing of the adobe corrals, and 
even the building of new houses 
— for the condition of the vil- 
lages is constantly changing, 
old houses falling into decay or 
being torn down and replaced 
with new houses and more 
modern conveniences. 




Zuni Drilling Turquoise 



Surely one or more hours of this day should be spent in 
at least a hasty examination of some of the many shrines and 
ruins which surround Zuni on almost every side. Especially 
should those who are able not fail to visit the summit of Toy- 
alone. Near the ruins, in one of then arrow caves in the great 
rock, is an interesting shrine, said to be dedicated to the Priests 
of the Bow, a powerful Zuni secret fraternity. Here may be 
seen many prayer offerings as well as fragments of bones and 
skulls of bears, mountain lions and wolves, deposited as offer- 
ings. Many other shrines as well as rock pictures abound in 
this vicinity ; but of greater interest are the shrines on the sum- 
mit. 

By dint of much hard climbing and scrambling, the top 
of Thunder Mountain is finally gained. There are at least 
two places on this lofty plateau worthy of a visit. First we 
may pass the ruins of that ancient stronghold where the Zuni 
on two occasions successfully defended themselves against 
their foes ; then we may continue along the trail to the shrine 
of the War God, where, up to the present time, the Zuni continue 
to make their offerings of prayer sticks, symbolic arrows and 
netted shields, sacrifices of skulls of wild animals, and tur- 
quoise to the gods in whose honor the shrine is dedicated, 
the highest in the Zuni pantheon. 

Occupying another portion of the plain toward the northeast 
may be faintly seen the outlines of the ruin of Hawikuh, memor- 




Thunder Mountain, near Zuni. 



Lot C. 



able as the first village seen by Estevan, who there met his 
death, and consequently the first of the Zuni an villages beheld 
by European eyes. This Hawikuh was that famous city of 
Cibola, rising toward the plain which Niza beheld in 1539, and 
this was the pueblo stormed by Coronado in the summer of 
the following year. 

Re-entering Zuni we notice many eagles, confined m cages 
of loosely plaited cottonwood withes, passing a miserable and 
pitiable existence, awaiting the time when they shall be sacri- 
ficed with appropriate rites, in order that their feathers may 
be used as offerings to the gods. 

There is much that is new in Zuni, but much that is exceed- 
ingly ancient, more than enough to interest even the casual 
vi.itor, and in fact to occupy the student of ethnology during 
the period of many lives; but for us, who travel by the Un- 
limited, the end of the journey is not yet; for Hopiland, pueblo 
life pure and undefiled, calls and beckons us further on to the 
west. 




100 



CHAPTER. IX 
To Hopiland, Province of Tusayan 

Holbrook, Winslow and Gallup — Painted Desert — The Three Mesas 

ROM Gallup, the starting-point for Zuni, to 
Winslow, the chief starting-point for Hopiland, 
is a run between meals — for Winslow is the 
next oasis in the western desert beyond Gallup 
having a Harvey eating-house ; and of the choice 
of three possible routes for entering the Hopi 
country the station with an eating-house is' 
preferable, other things being equal. There is also a Harvey 
hotel, where one is assured excellent meals, the luxuries of 
a bath, and other comforts which are greatry appreciated on 
the return from a desert journey. 

Routes 

There are many ways of getting into the Hopi country, 
but there are three commonly used routes, each of which has 
certain advantages. At the starting-point of each one of them 
conveyances may easily be secured for the trip. The three 
points are the stations of Holbrook, Winslow and Canyon 
Diablo, all along the line of the Santa Fe. The Hopi country 
(or the province of Tusayan, as it was formerly called) stretches, 
out north of these three stations ; therefore one could go in 
from Holbrook, visiting first the easternmost of the Hopi 
villages and then passing on to those of the west ; or he could 
go from Canyon Diablo to the western villages first ; or from 

101 





102 



the station of Winslow, lying about midway between these 
two stations, he could reach any one of the Hopi villages, the 
distance being about the same for all. 

Holbrook has good livery stables and stores where a camp 
outfit and provisions for a journey may easily be secured. 
The cost for a conveyance depends upon the time involved. 
As a rule, from two to four persons can arrange a round trip 
journey, including camp outfit and necessary provisions for a 
trip of from six to ten days' duration, at a maximum cost of 
six dollars per day. Should the party be limited to one or 
two, and should they have their own camp outfit and provisions, 
this cost could be reduced considerably. 

Holbrook possesses one advantage over the other two routes: 
the town is situated on the Hopi side of the Little Colorado 
River; consequently the question as to whether the river is 
fordable need not be considered. The Little Colorado, for 
brief lengths of time, is not fordable from either Winslow or 
from Canyon Diablo ; but the writer, on several trips to Tusayan, 
both from Winslow and Canyon Diablo, has always found this 
capricious stream perfectly safe. 

The distance from Holbrook to Walpi, the easternmost of 
the Hopi villages, is about eighty miles, a two days' journey, 
though with a camp outfit and wagon, three days are often 
needed. This route is more picturesque than either of the other 
two, though the routes from Winslow and Canyon Diablo are 
of great beauty. 

Winslow, a much larger town than Holbrook, is a division 
point on. the Santa Fe, and has several hotels and livery stables. 
Of the latter the writer is able to recommend, from much per- 
sonal experience, that kept by Mr. Creswell. Of the hotels of 
Winslow, naturally there is no choice; for the existence of a 
Harvey hotel has been mentioned The route from Winslow 
to Oraibi, the westernmost village, is not quite eighty miles, 
while the direct route from Winslow to Walpi is but seventy-five. 
The cost of the conveyance from Winslow is a little less than 
that from Holbrook. Driver and conveyance, for four, should 
cost not to exceed five dollars a day, passengers, of course, 
providing their own bedding and provisions. 

Canyon Diablo has neither hotel nor livery stable. Mr. 
F. W. Volz, the Indian trader at this point, will, with advance 



103 



Hopi Going to Snake Dance. 

notice, furnish excellent conveyance for the tourist who may 
desire to visit the Hopi country. Mr. Volz will also furnish 
a plentiful supply of bedding and provisions. He owns a trad- 
ing post at "The Fields," which is about half way between the 
railroad and Tusayan, where passengers can get comfortable 
meals and a bed. Should one desire to go to Oraibi direct, 
this route is undoubtedly the shortest, being about seventy 
miles in length. Mr. Volz will, on sufficient notice, have a 
relay team ready at "The Fields," so that the journey from the 
railroad to Oraibi may be made easily between the arrival of 
the morning train and the evening of the same day. Should 
there be ladies in the party, and should it be possible to secure 
Mr. Volz's personal services for the journey, this route offers 
certain advantages not to be found by either of the other two, 
and the cost is about the same. 

Of the journey itself, by whatsoever route we decide to go, 
not much will be said, for the reason that any attempt to give 
a proper conception of the marvelous charm of the desert 
would be hopeless. 

The Journey 

Leaving Winslow the road winds in and out among bits of 
shattered mesas which rise out of the desert. Then we enter 
the floor of an ancient lake of several miles extent, smooth as 
a table, and devoid of vegetation. Over this level plain the 
route is to the north, and we now reach the Little Colorado 



Crossing the Painted Desert to Hopiland. 



River, for the greater part of the year a sluggish stream, and 
usually almost devoid of water. 

From the second river terrace to the north and northeast 
we may see many buttes or lofty pinnacles, rising from the 
level plain Behind us, to the south, we can trace the windings 
of the Little Colorado for many miles, while still beyond to the 
south we may see that great gap known as Chaves pass, which 
now seems no more remote than when we left it behind at Wins- 
low, forty miles away. Slightly to the south of west rise the 
beautiful green wooded slopes of the San Francisco Peaks, 
towering above and dominating the desert for a radius of over 
a hundred miles, with that gigantic world wonder, the Grand 
Canyon, lying at their western slopes and still to our west and 
north. Finally, changing our direction to the northwest, we 
have again at our very feet the so-called Painted Desert. 




En Route to Hopiland. 

Down into that great plain on an August day the sun beats 
with an intensity which, as you see it quivering and dancing 
into the interminable distance beyond, fairly overwhelms you; 
but although the beauty of this painted desert fascinates, you 
feel that to stand much longer and look at it is to be consumed 
by its heat, for it seems to advance in waves like those of the 
sea. , Turning your eyes along the scarred and seamed edge of 



105 



the mesa which lies at your feet in this direction, you may easily 
understand that this desert is painted, that it is not an optical 
illusion ; for the very earth of the wash has been overspread 
with a hundred rainbows , as one stratum succeeds another, now 
red, now blue, now yellow, now white, now green, now black, 
one' shade passing into another by almost imperceptible degrees. 

From the summit of the terrace which we have reached we 
pass rapidly on, by a level but winding trail, to Volz's store at 
"The Fields." Projecting out of the valley north of us can be 
seen at a distance of twenty-five miles a great lofty promontory, 
Little Burro Springs. Beyond that, and projecting into the 
valley from another side, we see another promontory forty 
miles away, not so sharply outlined. On its rocky eminence 
stands Oraibi. 

The Three Mesas 

We are now in the midst of a great open plain, projecting 
into which from the north are three parallel tablelands or mesas, 
like three great stony fingers. Sharp pointed, long and narrow, 
to the northeast is the First or East Mesa, upon which are 
situated the villages of Tewa, Sichumovi and Walpi. Just to 
the left of this narrow finger and reaching further out into the 
dry, desert sea, stands the Second or Middle Mesa, the end 
of the finger being cleft, upon the eastern cleft being the villages 
of Shipaulovi and Mishongnovi, and upon the western cleft 



Volz's Trading Post, The Fields. 



the village of Shumopovi. Still to the left and almost due 
north we may behold the third stony finger, also cleft and 
broader than the middle finger. This is the Third or West 
Mesa, and upon it stands Oraibi, the largest, most ancient 
and most primitive of all Hopi villages. To distinguish any 
of these villages, however, from a distance we must look in- 
tently, for owing to the protective mimicry of their coloring 
they seem to be upward continuations of the living rock. 

Naturally each village has its own special points of interest 
not to be found in any of the others, but in general they have 
much in common. All are upon the summits of mesas, the ascent 
to which is up the sides of a more or less precipitous cliff, three 
to four hundred feet in height. Below the villages are the corn- 
fields, peach orchards and gardens. Each has its own spring 
or springs, its own temples, shrines and burial-grounds; and 
in every village the traveler, provided he does not force his 
way into the temple sanctuaries, will be kindly welcomed by 
the people; for the term Moki is a Navaho misnomer, these 
people calling themselves the " Hopituh," or Peaceful People. 

After having gone through the formality of obtaining the 
consent of the Indian agent, we are absolutely free to roam 
as we like. 

Taking the trail to the northeast, a journey of three hours 
brings us to the spring at the foot of the East Mesa. We are 
on the slope of a great table-land with its mountain-high billows 
of sand, massive cubes, towers, spires and pillars carved by the 

107 



giant forces of nature and painted in matchless colors of red, 
yellow and brown. To the east is the valley, with its cornfields, 
and towering above us on the west the lofty, narrow mesa, up 
whose side we travel by a precipitous path, until, when we near 
the summit, we come to the great cleft or gap, whence the term 
"Walpi," the Place of the Gap. Turning to the left, under the 
shadow of a precipitous cliff, its sides carved with strange 
hieroglyphs, we finally gain the summit. 

Tewa or Hano 

We enter at once the little village of Hano or Tewa, with 
its one hundred and sixty inhabitants. This town was founded 
by people of Tanoan stock, who, two centuries ago, came wan- 
dering westward from the valley of the Rio Grande and were 
permitted to settle upon this spot, with the understanding that 
they were to assist a peaceful people in their defense against 
the Utes and Paiutes. Researches of Dr. Fewkes have shown 
that there are only eleven pure blooded Tahoan people remain- 
ing in this village, all the others having a mixture of Hopi 
blood. Nevertheless, the mother tongue has been kept in a 
comparatively pure state throughout more than two centuries 
of intimate contact with a foreign language. These Tewans or 
"Keepers of the Trail" are interesting from another point; 

they are the most skilful potters 
of all this region, while the ware 
of old Nampeyo and her daughter 
have gone far and wide over the 
curio-loving world. 

Sichumovi 

Passing through Hano we 
enter the little village of Sichu- 
movi, the smallest of all Hopi 
towns, numbering a scant hun- 
dred inhabitants. This village 
was founded, it is said, by cer- 
tain clans of Walpi, who left 
their town on account of a dis- 
agreement. Beyond Sichumovi 
the barren rocky summit of the 




Walpi Foot Trail. 



mesa narrows to the width of only a few feet, into whose surface 
have been cut deep trails worn by the moccasined feet of many 
generations. 

Walpi 

Again the summit of the mesa broadens slightly and we come 
to Walpi, the Place of the Gap, with its two hundred and thirty 
inhabitants. Walpi, owing to the long researches of Dr. Fewkes, 
is no doubt the best known of all Hopi pueblos, but here, as in 
the other two pueblos in this mesa, are many innovations in the 
houses. Families have deserted their homes for points more con- 
venient to their fields and the springs in the valleys below, and 
the time may be at hand when the inhabitants will again take up 
their abode at the foot of the mesa. 

Pass on through the streets of Walpi with its terraced house 
row on one side and the precipice on the other, pass through the 
arch, on out to the point of the mesa — what a panorama is spread 
out at one's feet ! Below on three sides are the peaceful valleys, 
with here cornfields, there peach orchards, the interspaces being 
occupied by billows of ever-drifting sand. Beyond, rising out of 
the plain, are carved mesas and buttes, outlined in exquisite 
clearness, with great lava fields at their base, and beyond, more 
than a hundred miles away, Chaves pass, and in another, across 
the painted desert, the San Francisco Peaks. At our feet we 
behold the dim, irregular outlines of the ancient home of the 
Walpians, together with the faint outlines of an old, abandoned 
Spanish church. 

Mishongnovi and Shipaulovi 

Across the narrow valley, seven miles to the west, we come to 
the Second Mesa, ascending the steep side of which we enter Mish- 
ongnovi, second in size of Hopi villages, with its two hundred 
and fifty inhabitants. Descending a few steps westward from 
Mishongnovi we pass over a little gap in the mesa and again 
ascend the sides of a point upon which stands the little pueblo 
of Shipaulovi, The Place of the Peaches, with its one hundred 
and twenty-five people. Lofty and most picturesque is the loca- 
tion of this little modern town, formed since the days of the 
Spaniards, as an offspring of Shumopovi. Ascend to the flat roof 
of the eastmost house. From this vantage one can behold, not 
only the region to the south, but can actually look down upon 



every other Hopi pueblo, while to the north his range of vision is 
apparently limited only by the power of the human eye. 

Shumopovi 

Descending from Shipaulovi to the level of the mesa we pass 
around the cliff by a trail of about four miles, or descend into the 
plain below and pass directly to Shumopovi, The Place of the 
Reed Grass. This is the least known and probably the most 
conservative, as it is the most isolated of all Hopi villages. 
It numbers about two hundred and twenty-five inhabitants. 

Oraibi 

Again descending into the plain and crossing the valley, we 
ascend by a comparatively easy trail to that oldest and largest 
Hopi pueblo, Oraibi. Oraibi numbers nearly one thousand 
inhabitants, and as Taos is to-day the easternmost of all pueblos, 
so, in Oraibi, we have come to the western limit of the living 
pueblos. 

Oraibi occupies to-day the same spot where in 1 540 Coronado, 
the first of the Conquistadores, penetrated this hitherto un- 
known world of Tusayan. Other pueblos have been character- 
ized as friendly or conservative. Oraibi to-day is divided into 
two isolated camps, one of which is willing that the children 
should go to school, that the Government should assist them 
with wagons and agricultural implements; the other group, 
known as the conservatives or hostiles, in contradistinction 
to the liberals or friendlies, are unwilling to accept any proffer 
of assistance from the Government. What they require they 
are willing to pay for, and, above all, they desire neither inter- 
ference nor reproach in the performance of their religious rites. 
Under our treaty with Mexico they are citizens ; the Constitu- 
tion granted to both white and black freedom to worship in his 
religion ; and it did not intend to deny this privilege to the 
red man! 




Domestic Life of the Hopi 

Origin of the Hopi — Oraibi Pueblo — Houses — Dress — Fields and 
Orchards 




HO are the Hopi? Where did they come from? 
These are questions which have not yet been 
satisfactorily answered, although, owing to the 
researches of ethnologists, we know that each 
village to-day forms a congeries of clans which 
have been assembled slowly and from many 
points of the compass. For the early home 



of the Hopi we must enter the canyons of the north and look 
among the cliff ruins, or search the plains of the east, among 
the valleys of the south, or the plateaus of the west; for in 
all these directions ruins exist in almost countless numbers. 

Linguistically the Hopi, according to our present knowledge, 
belong to that great family called by Major Powell the Sho- 
shonean, and by Brinton the Uto Aztekan, which extended 
from the middle of Idaho far into Mexico, and in which are 
included tribes so remotely different to-day in manners, customs 
and locality as the Bannock of Idaho, the Diggers and Mono of 
California, the Comanche of Oklahoma, and many tribes of 
New Mexico and Old Mexico. 

The Pueblo of Oraibi 

The town is arranged in irregular rows of terraced houses, 
rising, as a rule, to the height of three stories, and facing seven 
long, irregular, parallel streets. Here and there we come to 



in 



enlarged spaces or plazas, in the center of which is 
generally found a raised rectangular structure ris- 
ing about a foot above ground. From a squarish 
stone box-like projection on the summit of this struc- 
ture extend, to a height of ten or fifteen feet, the 
two poles of a ladder. This ladder gives entrance 
to an underground chamber or kiva, which is at 
once a lounging-place for the men, a workroom 
and a temple. During times when no ceremonies 
are in progress we shall usually rind these kivas 
occupied by men busily engaged in spinning. 

The writer must confess that when he trod these 
streets for the first time six years ago, the sensa- 
tion was not only indescribable, but utterly unlike 
that produced by a visit to any other Indian town 
either before or since. The multitudinous phases 
of life which one may readily see in even a hurried 
walk are not to be surpassed by those of any other 
primitive community in North America. Naked 
children at first flee from the stranger, but the 
display of a stick of candy soon removes all fear and timidity, 
and he finds himself surrounded by a constantly increasing 
crowd of merry, rollicking, laughing children. What primitive 
little barbarians they are, with not a vestige of clothing, and 
with their hair standing out from their heads like a mass of 
sage brush exposed to the winds of the desert! 

Turning toward the house terraces we shall see here a 
woman making pottery, there another engaged in the manu- 
facture of a basket, and yonder a group of girls, shy and always 
modest, engaged in gossip or in fashioning their hair into those 
great whorls, which have come to be a well-known picture of 
Hopi life, symbolic of the squash blossom, the emblem of the 
virgin. 

Houses 

Not many ground floor rooms have doorways opening directly 
upon the streets; for the Oraibians still cling to their ancient 
manners and customs. To enter one of the houses, where we 
always may be sure of a welcome, we ascend a ladder to gain 
the roof of the first terrace. From this another ladder leads 
to the second terrace, and another to the third. 



112 



The first terrace is really a yard for the inhabitants of the 
houses; for here they not only bask and work in the sun, but 
from the beams of the roof of the second terrace they suspend 
corn and meat and other objects of food to dry. Practically 
everything that the Hopi eats is hung out and exposed to the 
weather at one time or other, on these terraces. 

Descending by the ladder into the chamber below and grop- 
ing our way about (for the narrow hole above does not admit 
much light) we find ourselves in a room which in former times 
was a place of refuge against foes, and is now largely used as a 
storeroom. In one corner is a great quantity of corn stacked 
up evenly and neatly, like cordwood; great earthenware vessels 
for water storage; large quantities of pumpkins, watermelons 
and dried peaches, stored away for winter use. One corner of 
the room is often occupied by a large rectangular stone about 
two and a half feet long and a foot and a half in width. It has 
two long sides resting upon upright stones fixed firmly in the 
floor, while the upper surface of the stone is black and highly 
polished. Underneath this stone is built a fire, the smoke of 
which is carried off by means of a hood which projects out from 
the walls above, the chimney being continued upward on the 
outside by means of large bottomless jars inverted one above 
the other. Kneeling before this stone we shall find the mother 
of the family applying to its heated surface, which she has first 
rubbed with pounded watermelon seeds, a thin bluish batter 
from a bowl. This requires but a moment's time for the baking, 
when it is lifted up and transferred to a rush mat placed on the 
floor at one side. She continues applying the batter and trans- 
ferring the thin, waferlike bread upon the tray until a great 
pile has been heaped up. The sheets of piki, or paper bread, 
as it is called, are then made up into long rolls, ready for future 
use. 

Again ascending the first terrace roof we pass directly 
through a primitive door, into a chamber corresponding in 
size to the one just left below, and which we may properly call 
the main or living room of the Hopi. The floor is of hard clay, 
and, as a rule, is carefully swept, neat and clean, while the four 
walls of the chamber have been tinted 
with a light wash. From pegs in the 
wall here and there are suspended 

113 // 




Potters 



Pueblo of Walpi. 




Hopi Women Filling Earthenware Jars at Water Holes, First Mesa, 




A Hopi Maiden 



objects of clothing, children's toys, and 
a hundred and one odd things which 
go to make up the life of a barbarian 
people. 

At one end of the room is a three 
or four compartment mealing bin, each 
compartment being occupied by a flat- 
topped stone of granite, set at an angle. 
Behind this the Hopi woman spends 
on the average three out of every 
twenty- four hours grinding corn. Per- 
haps more than eighty per cent of all 
their food consists of different prepara- 
tions of corn. 

In little wall niches are stored earth- 
enware vessels, when not required for 
use at the meals, or bowls heaped up 
with fresh ground corn meal, while 
thrust into the brush covering, over- 
rafters of the ceiling, are to be found spindles, U- 



lying the 

shaped sticks used for fashioning the hair into whorls by the 
maidens , or into a knot at the back of the head by the men, bows 
and arrows used by the boys, and many small objects used 
by the Hopi in their religious life. 

Dress 

The dress of the women in their daily domestic life is prac- 
tically uniform. Of the changes of fashion of her less fortunate 
sister beyond the limits of Tusayan she knows nothing. The 
dress and blanket and moccasins which served her grandparents 
in ages gone by and which they found to be suitable to their 
requirements, serve the Hopi woman of to-day equally well. 
The dress itself consists of a single piece of black woolen cloth 
beautifully woven and embellished with an upper and lower 
border of blue, the edges being green or blue bands of yarn. 
The conversion of this garment, which at first serves as a blanket, 
into a dress, is a simple process. Two opposite edges are brought 
together and are sewn throughout their length, except for a 
small space near one end, which gives an opening for one arm. 
The garment thus folded is then sewn about one-half its width 



115 



along one of the narrow ends, the remaining spaces giving 
passage for the head, the opposite or closed side of the garment 
passing just underneath the other arm. 

The belt is also of wool, about three inches in width, and is 
blue and green in color and sufficiently long to be passed around 
the body three times. On certain occasions the Hopi woman 
puts on moccasins of white buckskin, the upper of which ter- 
minates in a long, broad band, which she winds about her lower 
leg until it reaches the knee, thus giving the feet the appear- 
ance of being encased in white top boots. In addition to the 
blanket, belt and moccasins which every Hopi woman owns, 
she usually possesses a smaller white blanket, with blue and 
red bands' along two borders, which she wears on ceremonial 
occasions. 

Each Hopi woman, on her marriage, is provided by her male 
relatives with certain white garments, consisting of two pure 
white robes of cotton and a broad white cotton belt with long 
knitted fringes. 

After marriage the Hopi woman releases her hair from the 
great whorls worn as a maiden, and fashions it into two rolls, 
one on each side of the head, which she wraps with many turns 
of a long string made of her own hair. About the neck one 
usually finds many strands of shell or turquoise beads, or a 
necklace of silver, while in her ears she wears squarish blocks 
of wood, with a well-made turquoise mosaic. 

Of the former daily cos- 
tume of the men not much 
remains, the simple cotton 
loin-cloth serving every re- 
quirement through the greater 
part of the year. The men, 
as a rule, wear moccasins upon 
their feet, which they stain red 
or black, or which they color 
to meet the requirements of 
some special ceremony. Only 
a few specimens of the old, 
beautifully made, woven 
shirts of blue cotton, which 
the Hopi men formerly wore 




.4 Hopi Mother with Baby in 
Basket-work Cradle. 




still survive, and their use to-day 
is largely ceremonial. Occasion- 
ally may be found a blanket such 
as the men probably wore in 
former times, but which to-day 
is but rarely manufactured, the 
men preferring to buy a less ex- 
pensive blanket from the trader 
Oraibi Girls Grinding Com. ( AT , 

& or from the Navaho. 

We shall have seen large numbers of stone tools, such 
as axes, hammers, mortars, pestles, knives, grinding-stones, 
mealing-stones and rubbing-stones. The lesson which the 
presence of all these stone objects teaches is one which the 
archeologist is slow to learn; but, if we read aright, their pres- 
ence and use by the Hopi in this twentieth century forces the 
conclusion that the place to study archeology is not in the 
scant remains of imperishable objects yielded by the mounds of 
the Mississippi valley, but among the people who still use these 
objects, as herein Oraibi, where we may determine to a certainty 
both the nature and use of such objects, learning of their manu- 
facture and ultimate abandonment. Surely, with the art of 
pottery flourishing here, with many forms of basketry, with 
the manufacture of many kinds of cotton and woolen garments, 
with the use of wood for a wide variety of purposes, we could 
not say that Oraibi was in the stone age, but such, perhaps, 
would be the report of the archeologist were he to find it 
after it had been abandoned or destroyed by fire. 



In the Fields and Orchards 

Should our visit to Oraibi be at any other time of the year 
than in the winter, or during some great ceremony, we note 
the almost total absence of men from the village. It is now 
time to descend into the valleys below, in which the Hopi men 
spend several months of each year; for here are the cornfields, 
melon patches, orchards and flocks of sheep. , , 

A Hopi cornfield is a priceless possession to 
the Hopi, but after having traversed the great 
cornfields of Kansas on the Unlimited, one can 
scarcely believe at first that the little patches 
scattered here and there along the dry washes 

117 




Making Bread (Piki). 




Corn Carrier. 



. - in "die valleys are really cornfields. 
\^<K - 4^ The stalks never rise more than four 
C • f eet i n height, and the hills average 
from ten to a hundred feet apart ; but 
" in the hill are often as many as ten 
stalks. The Hopi thoroughly under- 
stands, as did his forefathers, the 
conditions in these hard and desert 
valleys. Ridiculously small as the field 
seems to be, and small as the corn 
itself actually is, it has cost the Hopi 
months of weary labor and patient watching. 

Early in the spring, with his digging stick he sinks a hole 
deep into the earth, for the moisture is not to be found, in 
Arizona, near the surface. In the second place he must shelter 
his little field from the driving blasts of sand which sweep 
over the valleys in the early spring like a snow-storm in the north 
in the dead of winter, and this sand must be kept in check, 
otherwise his field would be buried ; consequently along one or 
more sides of his field he must plant a wind-brake by thrusting 
into the ground a close hedge of sage brush, and it must be kept 
in repair until the corn can fight its own battle against the sand 
storm. 

With the corn well sprouted and fairly out of the ground 
begin his days of never-ceasing vigilance ; there is a crow in the 
immediate neighborhood for every grain which he has planted, 
and when the crows are not in sight, some stray flock of sheep 
or a burro puts in its appearance. But centuries of watch- 
ing have taught the Hopi 
a lesson, and for the crows 
he erects wonderful scare- 
crows, while for his own 
greater comfort he builds 
a commodious field shel- 
ter in which he passes 
many hours of the hot 
summer days, his time 
being spent in the spin- 
ning of a tale to some 
friend or in the spinning 




Dress Weaving. 



of yarn to be used later in the year in the manufacture of 
garments. Likewise the Hopi must protect his melon patches 
and even his young peach trees from the ravages of the sand- 
storms, and from the depredations of the sheep of his own people 
or those of the Navaho. 

When not otherwise engaged the Hopi man takes his 
rude axe and burro and goes to the distant mesa north of 
Oraibi, where he brings in great bundles of fagots of pinon and 
cedar. As he goes up and down the trail to the village, he passes 
the women of his family as they trudge back and forth from the 
lofty mesa to the distant spring at its foot, in their daily quest 
for water, or as they seek clay in the pits, to be used either 
in the manufacture of pottery or in the building of houses, 
for the Hopi woman is the house-builder and the house-owner. 

Can any town in the world, with a similar number of peo- 
ple, produce a greater number of sober, industrious, patient 
toilers than are to be found on the summit of this West Mesa? 
Transport the other six Hopi villages, abolish the Government 
agent over in Keam's Canyon, remove the trader's post at the 
foot of the mesa, and the home of the missionary, take away 
the Navaho, and let all the remainder of America be laid waste, 
and the people of Oraibi could, and probably would, continue 
their daily life as they do to-day, with a supreme indifference to 
all other affairs than their own; for they not only produce, or 
can produce, everything which they require, but being able to 
sustain themselves in this absolutely independent manner, 
they are contented and beyond the needs of alms from the 
nation, the merchandise of the trader or the stern religion of 
the missionary, which will not guarantee rain. 





The Hopi at Worship 



Kivas — Prayer Offerings —The Altar — Sand Mosaics — Shrines — Dances- 
After Death 

HEN the Hopi are not at work they are 
worshiping in the kivas. The underlying ele- 
ment of this worship is to be found in the 
environment. Mother nature does not deal 
kindly with man in the desert. Look where 
you will, across the drifting sands of the 
plains, and the cry of man and beast is, 
"Water!" And so, to the gods of the rain clouds 
does the Hopi address his prayer. His instruments of worship 
are so fashioned that his magic may surpass the magic of these 
gods, and compel them to loosen their stores full to overflowing. 
Take any one of the great Hopi ceremonies, analyze the para- 
phernalia worn by the men, dissect the various components 
of the altar or sand painting, examine the offerings made to 
the springs and those placed upon the shrines, and in everything 
and everywhere we see prayers for rain. 

Should our journey be made in winter or spring, summer or 
autumn, and should we have a few days to spare, we are sure to 
encounter one or more of these great ceremonies, with its brilliant 
and public pageant at the close. 

121 





ight, 189 



An 



rton James 

e Altar in Kiva. 



The Kiva 

It has been said that the kiva is 
both clubhouse and temple. In its 
latter capacity let us again enter it, 
say a few days before the beginning of 
any ceremony. Descending the 
ladder, we find ourselves in an under- 
ground chamber averaging twenty 
feet long and twelve feet wide, with a 
roof consisting of a closely laid course 
of fine boughs resting upon small 
rafters which in turn are supported by seven or eight beams 
which cross the kiva at intervals along its narrow sides. The 
ladder on which we have entered has its foot against a raised 
platform occupying about one-third of the kiva. 

The remaining or excavated portion of the kiva is surrounded 
by a wall or banquette, along three of its sides, rising to the 
height of a foot or more. The floor is of rough, flat stones, 
loosely fitted together, their interspaces being occupied by 
smaller stones or tightly packed clay. The walls, roughly 
plastered with mud, together with the roof, are generally stained 
black with the smoke which rises from a hearth about two feet 
square near the end of the excavated portion, directly under the 
kiva hatchway. Under the smoke on the walls may be seen in 
some kivas, symbolic drawings, while on the rafters may often 
be found groups of four parallel white lines. 

The raised portion of the kiva during the progress of a cere- 
mony is for those priests who are not actively participating in 
the ceremony. The floor itself is reserved for priests actively 
engaged, who are generally seated either on the floor or on the 
banquette, spinning cotton for ceremonial uses or making bahos 
or prayer-sticks. The far end of this excavated portion is 
reserved for the altar, and in front of it is laid the dry sand pic- 
ture. Beneath, and in the center of the region reserved for the 
altar, is found in nearly all kivas a small opening known as the 
sipapu, symbolic of that greater sipapu in the Marble Canyon 
of the Colorado, through which the Hopi are supposed to have 
entered this world. 

Upon the opening of a ceremony the looms are taken down 
in the kivas and all other evidence of a work-a-day life disap- 



122 



pears Thrust into the mat covering the kiva entrance is to be 
seen the natsi or standard of the society which is about to begin 
below its ceremonial performance. The natsi announces to the 
inhabitants the presence of a ceremony, that during the following 
days no one not a member of the order is supposed to venture 
into the kiva without the priest's permission. 

Prayer Offerings 

Each day has its own special rites and appropriate duties. 
Certain days are generally devoted to making countless prayer 
offerings or bahos. On the mornings of such days priests hurry 
into the kiva, each one bearing under his arm a plume box con- 
tainino- eagle, turkey and other efficacious bird feathers. Some 
priests" bring stone mortars, upon which to grind the decorative 
paints also bunches of corn husks, small bags of sacred meal, 
little earthenware vessels of honey, pieces of sandstone and sprigs 
of certain water-loving plants. 

Many are the kinds of bahos made by the Hopi, each having 
its appropriate name and function. One of the most common is 
known as a sakwa, or double green baho. Two sticks, averaging 
from three to five inches in length, are prepared, terminating at 
one end in a conical point. On one of these sticks is next cut a 
facet This is to be the female baho, the other the male. Both 
are painted throughout their length, except the facet, with a 
coating of green, the paint used being made of crushed malachite 
and water. The facet is then painted brown, and upon it, 
arranged in the form of a triangle, are three dots representing 
a face The two sticks are then bound together by cotton twine. 
The priest next takes up a bit of corn husk, which he forms into 
a packet, placing therein a pinch of sacred meal and a bit of 
honey This, with a turkey feather and a sprig of Artemisia 
frigida, he attaches to the two sticks. Finally he adds a short 
cotton string about three inches in length, to one 
end of which is attached an eagle breath-feather, 
the string and its feather being known separately 
as a nakwakwosi. The baho is now ready to be 
deposited in a basket tray which the priest prays 
over, and from a pipe filled with native tobacco, 
blows upon them four puffs of smoke. The tray 
is laid aside until the bahos are sent into the fields 

123 




or put in the niche of a rock or in a spring, 
or deposited upon a shrine, where they 
become messengers to gods. 

The Altar 

The erection of the altar is the lot of the 
chief priest and his assistants. For example, 
take the one erected during the performance 
which takes place every other year at Oraibi, 
given by the flute fraternity. The salient 
feature of this altar is the tiponi or pallad- 
ium of the society. 

The tiponi is of cylindrical shape, about 
ten inches in height, and is wrapped through- 
out its length with cotton thread; within 
is a concealed ear of corn, encircled by 
tall feathers of brilliant plumage. Although 
the corn ear is generally present in the tiponi, when it is known 
as the mother, certain others contain within a polished stone 
celt. 

Back of the tiponi and next to the banquet are two broad 
upright slabs, their upper extremities being connected by 
means of a transverse slab bearing numerous rain-cloud symbols. 
Between the two upright slabs stands a large wooden effigy 
representing Cotuknangwu, the "Heart of all the Sky God," 
an important personage in Hopi religion. By his side are many 
zigzag shaped sticks emblematic of lightning. In front of the 
altar is a medicine bowl upon which are terraced rain-cloud 
symbols. At the side of the medicine bowl is an aspergil with 
which the priest sprinkles holy water. Arranged around it 
are six ears of corn, there being on the north side a yellow ear, 
on the west a blue ear, on the south a red ear, and on the east 
a white ear. On the northeast is an ear of sweet corn emblem- 
atic of the above or zenith, and on the southwest a black or 
speckled ear, the emblem of the below or nadir. These colors 
are always used by the Hopi in connection with the six direc- 
tions, and the medicine bowl, with the six colored ears, is often 
spoken of as the ' ' six directions ' ' altar. 

At one side stands a small netted gourd, the so-called priest's 
jug, used as a receptacle in bringing water from a certain spring 

124 




Oraibi Blue Flute Altar 



which is used in the holy water. Then there is a basket tray 
containing sacred corn meal, typical of the sacrifice, which is 
sprinkled from time to time by certain priests. There is present 
also the bull roarer, or whizzer, the twirling of which produces 
a rumbling noise typical of thunder. Four little cup-shaped 
objects painted in the colors of the four directions are near by. 
Such cup-shaped affairs are survivals of the time when the will 
of the gods was determined by the guessing of the priests as 
to the location of a small wooden ball hidden under one of the 
cups. The whole altar forms a mute and eloquent appeal for 
copious rains. 

Sand Mosaics 

When candidates are admitted by initiatory rites, a dry 
sand painting or mosaic is generally laid on the floor of the 
kiva, in front of the altar. The mosaics of no two ceremonies 
are alike. We may take, as typical of this interesting phase 
of Hopi religion, the mosaic spread on the kiva floor during the 
great Powamu ceremony, held in the majority of Hopi villages 
during February. A level ground of reddish brown sand 
is first sprinkled thinly on the floor in a four-foot square. Upon 
this is laid, by means of sand, trickling through the thumb 
and forefinger, four straight bands, the ends of which terminate 
in a terraced rain-cloud symbol, from the points of which depend 
black symbols of turkey feather nakwakwosis. The bands are 
colored after the symbolism of the four directions, and collect- 
ively they are known as the "home" into which the candidate 
is welcomed during his initiation. Occupying the center of 
the square is a large circular squash blossom symbol, also 
repeated at each outside corner of the field. Scattered here and 
there are numerous small spots of many-colored sands which 
collectively typify the various Hopi food seeds. In front of the 
field are outlined four semi-circular rain clouds in black, from 
each one of which a turkey feather symbol also depends. 

As a rule, initiation into a Hopi fraternity is not accompanied 
with any disagreeable features . The one great exception among 
the Hopi is when children are initiated into the Katcina cult. 
They are then held out at arms' length over a sand picture and 
severely flogged with yucca leaf whips in the hands of one of 



125 



two masked men. These rites also take 
place during February and are held in 
connection with the great Powamu 
ceremony. 

Shrines 

Referring to bahos or prayer offerings, 
let us observe one of the priests when 
about to make a deposit at that most 
beautiful Hopi shrine, the one situated 
at the base of Corn Rock, half way 
down the slope of the middle Mesa, 
near Mishongnovi. The majority of the 
bahos deposited here are symbols of 
corn ears. Taking the bahos in his 
hand the priest holds them in front of 
Oraibi Drab Flute Altar. hig face> w hil e he offers a silent prayer, 

then reverently deposits them. He 
takes the pinch of meal, upon which he breathes a prayer, 
and casts a portion of it upon the bahos and then a pinch to 
the north, to the west, to the south and to the east, to the 
above, and finally to the below; then the priest returns to the 
kiva. 

As the ninth day of a great ceremony approaches, increased 
activity on the part of the villagers may be noted, and should 
we ascend the mesa sufficiently early, just before dawn, we 
shall hear the weird voice of the crier as he announces 
from a house roof that the dance is to take place in the plaza 
on that afternoon. During that and perhaps preceding nights 
the priests in their underground temples have been engaged 
in singing certain traditional sacred songs, about the altar, 
and have been uttering formal prayers such as their ancestors 
uttered hundreds of years ago; for both songs and prayers 
contain many strange archaic words no longer understood. 
Fortunate is the traveler who gains entrance to the kiva 
during these solemn rites. 

With the first glow in the east the priests hasten to the shrine 
of the Sun God, with their offerings, the luminary himself being 
greeted with a prayer or with songs as he slowly emerges from 
behind the mesa in the far east. Later the priests repair to 

126 




their homes, and return to the kiva, bearing the ceremonial 
paraphernalia with which, early in the afternoon, they robe 
themselves in gorgeous array preparatory to the dance, which 
is given usually before the sun sets behind the San Francisco 
Peaks. 

As the priests emerge from the kiva, where they wait in 
line until all have appeared, there is the hush of expectancy 
throughout the village, the inhabitants now line the terraces, 
house-tops and every available spot around the dance plaza, 
all being attired in their gayest and brightest costumes. In 
single file and with measured tread comes the line of priests. 
Entering the plaza they wheel about and begin a slow, short 
dance, the time of the step being accompanied by the shaking 
of rattles and by the singing of sacred songs. The dance is 
over all too soon, when the spectators return to their camps, 
and the priests to . the kiva, where great quantities of food 
have been brought for them. Finally, in a great feast, they 
break the fast, which, on the part of the chief priests, has 
been maintained for many days. 

After Death 

No account of the worship of the Hopi would be complete 
without a notice of the ultimate fate of their bodies and souls 
after death. In common with all men, in whatsoever part of 
the world, the Hopi believes that he 
"shall not all die." And so, on the 
conclusion of life, the body is care- 
fully prepared for burial. If it be 
an adult, it is at once removed to 
the burying ground, generally 
situated at the foot of the mesa, 
where it is placed in a shallow 
grave covered with earth. Just 
beneath the surface is deposited a 
baho, from which projects a long- 
cotton string with an eagle breath- 
feather attached to its end, and 
which is laid in a long trench 
pointing west. Over the grave is 
then piled a rude heap of stones, 




At Home in Mishongnovi 



prayers are said by the relatives of the deceased, and upon 
the graves sacred meal is sprinkled. 

You ask the Hopi, "What then?" Strange, forbidding 
and harsh is his environment, and he has little time for 
speculative thought concerning the life beyond the grave; 
but he will tell you in serious tones that on the fourth 
day after death, the soul departs from the body, mounts the 
soul of the long cotton string, or "road marker," and travels 
on it toward the west; for it indicates the way to Maski, the 
Skeleton House, at the bottom of the Grand Canyon. Such is 
not the fate of the souls of children, which return to their 
mothers and are born anew; hence the bodies of children 
are deposited with due ceremony in clefts in the rocks, usually 
in the immediate vicinity of the village, the entrance to the 
cleft being sealed with small stones. 




Hopi Ceremonies 

Autumnal Ceremonies — Marau, Ooqol and Lagon — New Year's Dance — 
New Fire Ceremony — Winter Rites — Powamu — Katcina Dances 

E must rest content with a brief statement of the 
time and general character of each of the nine- 
day ceremonies, paying especial attention to 
those which are of greatest interest to the 
visitor, noting also those minor or one-day 
ceremonies during the early months of the 
year, known as Katcina dances. We may con- 
sider, in order, the women's ceremonies given 
during the autumn ; the New Year's ceremony ; the winter cere- 
monies; the great Powamu ceremony of February; Katcina and 
other one-day ceremonies; and finally, the Farewell or Niman 
ceremony in July.. The great August ceremonies, given by the 
Flute, Antelope and Snake Societies, will be treated in the next 
chapter. 

Autumn Ceremonies 

During August an elaborate ceremony is held by a fraternity 
in, each Hopi village, the fundamental object of which is to com- 
pel the rain clouds to release their stores of water, that the washes 
ma} be filled. The long drought of summer thus being broken, 
the growth of the corn now becomes steady and may be expected 
to continue uninterrupted until October. Additional rains, and 




129 



especially warm winds, are now required to ripen 
the ear, and so we find in each village one or more 
nine-day ceremonies for this purpose. There are 
three of these autumn ceremonies, and curiously 
they are all performed by women; they are the 
Marau, Ooqol and Lagon. 

The Marau. — The Marau ceremony is per- 
formed at Oraibi in odd years, during September. 
The secret rites are held in the Marau kiva, the 
exclusive property of a fraternity known as the 
Mamzroutu. The leaders in the nine-day ceremony 
are a chief Marau priest and priestess, a leader 
of the dance, and certain women dressed as men 
and known as takas. 

On the final day of the performance, the 
women, dressed in beautiful ceremonial robes, file out 
of the kiva into the plaza, where they form a large 
Lagon Priests. circle. Each of the performers carries in her hands 

a painted flat slab of wood on which are depicted 
rain-cloud and other symbols, and an ear of maize in colors. 
These are Marau bahos and are waved up and down to the time of 
the singing in chorus. Two of the women carry bows and 
arrows and small corn husk packets. As they advance toward 
the circle the packets are tossed into the air and are shot at with 
the arrows. This is said to symbolize the striking of the light- 
ning in the cornfield, which, by the Hopi, is regarded as the 
acme of fertilization. This ceremony concluded, small balls 
of sweet corn meal and water are cast among the spectators 
by whom they are eagerly sought. 

The Ooqol. — According to tradition, this ceremony was 
brought to Oraibi from Awatobi, and it is claimed that a 
majority of the altar pieces were brought from this village, 
which was destroyed over two hundred years ago. The cere- 
mony is performed by a woman's fraternity known as Obqoltu, 
and is held on odd years in the village of Oraibi, in September. 

The altar of this fraternity is very elaborate and its cere- 
mony is one of the most complicated in the Hopi calendar. 

The dance or public performance of this society is in many 
respects similar to the one which takes place during the Lagon 
ceremony. While the women are performing in the circle with 

130 




basket trays, two women or manas appear, gorgeously attired, 
each wearing an elaborate and picturesque head dress of parrot 
feathers. In one -hand they bear a beautiful netted wheel and 
in the other a dart. As they approach the circle, they roll the 
wheels upon the ground and attempt to pierce the central open- 
ing of the wheel with their feathered darts. This act is said to 
typify the acme of fertilization. We have here an early and 
sacred form of a game, seen in its degenerate form in the ring and 
javelin game or in other similar forms as played by practically 
all of the Indians of the North American Continent. 

Lagon. — This is also a nine-days' ceremony, conducted by a 
woman's order known as the Lalakonti. It is held in September 
in even years at Oraibi, and thus alternates with the Marau and 
Ooqol ceremonies. There are many rites connected with each 
successive day's performance. Thus, as the women begin to 
gather in the kiva in increasing numbers from day to day, 
bahos are made in profusion, which are deposited on the shrines 
by girls. 

After the ceremonial foot race which forms such an interest- 
ing and intrinsic part of all Hopi ceremonies, two women, dressed 
in elaborate ceremonial costume, with coronets and brilliantly 
colored feathers on their heads, play a game with small rings 
and darts, and cast basket trays to the spectators. At the 
conclusion of this performance the women gather in a large circle 
in the plaza, where they perform a dance accompanied by sing- 
ing and the waving of basket trays in their hands. This and the 
Ooqol are often spoken of as basket dances. 



New Year Ceremony 

The exact method which the Hopi employ in reckonin 
calendar system is not yet thor- 
oughly understood. They perform, 
however, during September, a cere- 
mony, Yasanglawu, which, according 
to the Hopi, ushers in the new 
year. This ceremomr lasts only one 
day and one night. It is performed 
in the kiva by a male fraternity 
known as the Kwakwantu. The 
principal participants are a chief 

131 



8; their 




The Walpi Lagon Ceremony. 

priest, who is a member of the Kwan elan, an assistant chief 
priest and singers. During the celebration an altar is erected, 
but no account of it or of the ceremony itself has ever been 
printed. 

New Fire Ceremony 

This is one of the most important of all Hopi ceremonials. 
Its celebration, in October, requires the participation of all the 
male fraternities of each village. All the village kivas furnish 
their quota of dancers, who appear in the public performance 
in the plaza, each group furnishing also certain men who act as 
drummers. One of the most interesting features of this ex- 
tremely complicated ceremony is the creation of new fire by 
means of the ancient fire drill. Entrance to the village itself 
during these rites is strictly forbidden, the trails being closed by 
the sprinkling of meal across them. An additional interesting 
feature is the presence of a masked personage representing a 
Soyal Katema, who dances in different parts of the village. 
Winter Ceremonies 

The Soyal. — An important and extremely complicated cere- 
monv is held each year in the five chief Hopi villages, generally 

132 



during the second half of December. The leaders are the Soyal 
priest, assistants, a war chief or Pookon. a Hawk man, and many 
other personages. The sacred rites are held at Oraibi in the 
Pongovi or Circle kiva, but, as all fraternities of the villages are 
supposed to cooperate, many bahos or prayer-sticks are made 
in the other kivas. The secret performances, held late at night 
on the fourth and fifth days, are very interesting. By this time 
the altar has been erected at the rear end of the kiva. After the 
singing of many traditional songs, and after a large number of 
complicated rites, a priest enters, imitating the hawk or the 
thunderbird, and there then ensues a conflict between this per- 
sonage and a man dressed as a war god, the conflict probably 
representing a contest between certain cosmic forces, but yet 
imperfectly understood. 

During the final performance of the ninth evening there 
enters the kiva a man dressed in beautiful ceremonial garments, 
wearing over his forehead a large four-pointed star. In his 
hands he carries a large sun symbol supported on the end of a 
wooden shaft. During the singing by the priests seated around 
the altar, this Star god dances with an exceedingly rapid move- 
ment from one side to the other, twirling the sun symbol rapidly 
in front, always keeping time with his body and arms. This 
seems to represent the climax of the ceremony, which not only 
celebrates the winter solstice, but which has as its special object 
the compulsion of the sun to desist in its southern flight. Dur- 
ing the performance of the Star god, the War god stands by his 
side and asperges him with holy water from the medicine bowl. 

On the eighth day two Mastop Katcinas appear at the kiva, 
where they perform a number of curious antics, and on the 
ninth day occurs the dance 
in the plaza. The dance is 
performed by men wearing 
masks repesenting the 
Qoqokolum Katcinas. 

During January are held 
winter performances of all 
summer ceremonies. These 
are naturally abbreviated, 
although, as a rule, they 
occupy nine days. 




The Walpi Lagan Altar. 



Powamu Ceremony 

This great nine-days' ceremony, preceded by the Powalawu, 
is the most complicated and instructive in the Hopi ceremonial 
calendar year. Compared with the succession of startling 
pageants and spectacular performances then enacted, the widely 
heralded snake dance is of secondary importance. In no part 
of the world could one see in nine days such a wealth of cere- 
mony, such a pantheon of gods represented by men masked and 
otherwise appropriately costumed, such elaborate altars and 
beautiful sand mosaics, or speeches and songs so archaic and 
ancient. 

The preliminary one-day ceremony of Powalawu is held late 
in January. A beautiful sand picture, representing the sun as 
its central feature, is erected on the floor of the kiva. Among 
the objects scattered around may be mentioned a corn husk 
containing sacred meal and a dead mouse, which is deposited 
on an ant hill as a prayer that the ants satiate themselves on 
the mouse and forbear to molest the crops. 

On the final and public performance a large number of Kat- 
cinas appear, the spectacle thus being one of unusual brilliancy 
and interest. During the feast, which falls on the evening of 
the ninth day, are eaten young shoots of beans, large quantities 
of which have been ceremonially planted just before the begin- 
ning of the ceremony. The Powamu seems to relate to the 
consecration of the fields for the approaching planting season. 




The Hemis Katcina Dance, Oraibi. 



Katcinas 

The word Katcina is applied by the Hopi 
to supernatural beings, to masked men who 
impersonate these deities, to any ceremonial 
dance in which these masked figures appear, 
to the masks themselves, or to small wood- 
en statuettes carved in imitation of masked 
dancers and known as tihus or dolls. Inas- 
much as these brilliantly colored little images 
have been for many years eagerly sought by 
the curio-loving world, it may be said that 
these dolls are not idols, nor are they wor- 
shiped. They are made by the men and are 
given to little girls by the women, either dur- 
ing the close of one of the great winter cere- 
monies or at the close of the Niman or Katcina Dancers. 
farewell ceremony in July. With them the 
Hopi mothers make more vivid this particular feature of their 
religion. 

During March, April, May"~and "June, there are no great or 
nine-day ceremonies among the Hopi. This, does not mean 
that the Hopi has discontinued his devotions, or that he is not 
making appeals to his favorite gods for abundant rains. But 
the ceremonies which are now given are abbreviated, and are 
performed by masked men known as Katcinas. There is a 
large number of these dances during the spring months, each 
with its own distinctive mask and with its proper mission to 
perform. On account of the multitude and variety, however, 
notice must be confined to two of the better known. 

Katcina Dances 

The performance of the Hemis Katcina is a most striking 
dance. At a certain time in the spring various members of 
this society meet in a certain house and engage in preliminary 
smoking; in fact, preparations are in progress for three days. 
On the appointed day a line of thirty or forty may be seen 
entering the plaza, about three-quarters of the number wearing 
gaily colored Katcina kilts and sashes, with their bodies painted 
black, and wearing on their heads a great mask which entirely 
covers the face, and which bears upon its summit a large tablet 




135 



in the form of a terraced 
rain cloud. The re- 
mainder of the line of 
dancers are men dressed 
as women and known as 
Hemis Katcina manas. 
Each one of the manas 
wears on his face a 
small mask, fringed with 
yellow horsehair. 

Hemis Katcina Dance, Oraibi Manas Playing on Entering the plaza, a 

Notched Sticks in Front of Dancers. song is begun by the 

leader, who is never 
masked, and the whole line begin singing and dancing, keep- 
ing time with a rattle and pine branch. At intervals the 
manas kneel in front of the Katcinas on old rabbit-skin robes, 
where they now draw a deer scapula across a notched stick, 
one end of which rests on a large gourd, acting as a resonator. 

As to the meaning of this dance we have only to examine 
the mask itself. The tablet is a rain cloud ; on it are additional 
rain-cloud symbols, symbols of squash blossoms, etc. A visor 
on the mask bears additional rain clouds, semi-circular in form, 
and drops of falling rain, while on the body of the mask are tad- 
poles, frogs and squash blossom symbols, and at the back is a 
lightning symbol. Even the body itself, painted black with 
corn smut, is an invitation for the rain to come and wash it off. 

The Anga Katcina is a well known Katcina dance, one 
variety being known as the Sia Anga, so termed because borrowed 
from the Sia or Zuni, and illustrating how certain phases of 
religion and ceremonies are borrowed by one tribe from another. 
In this dance the body of the dancer is painted red. There are 
other small variations in the costuming of the dancers, but, as 
a rule, all the masked dancers wear the ceremonial kilt, sash, 
the woman's belt, a fox skin behind, Katcina moccasins, and 
arm and leg bands. 

In addition to the Katcina dances of these spring months 
are many other dances, some religious or even social in their 
nature. Such is the so-called Buffalo Dance, during which 
head dresses imitating the heads of buffalo are worn ; or the 
so-called Paiute Dance, when neither mask nor head-dress is 




136 



worn, but the dancers costume themselves as nearly as possible 
in the garb of the Paiutes and dance according to the fashion 
they have learned from the Paiutes. 

The Niman Katcina, of nine days' duration, is annually 
held in five Hopi villages the latter half of August. It is per- 
formed by men of the Powamu order and in the same kiva where 
we saw erected the elaborate Powamu altar. This altar, with the 
exception of the sand mosaic, the lightning frames and the 
slabs, is the altar of the Niman Fraternity, thus leading to the 
belief that there is an intimate connection between the two cere- 
monies. During the final performance a large variety of Kat- 
cinas appear, among them being several of those more sacred 
Katcinas seen only on rare occasions. The symbolic meaning 
of the ceremony is the return of those minor deities which have 
thronged the streets of Oraibi and other villages in the form of 
masked personages for the past four months. They now 
return to their proper underworld. As the kivas were opened 
to the Katcinas in the Soyal ceremony, so now they are sealed 
up, and the Katcina season is ended. 




Ceremony of Flute Priests, Outside Village, Oraibi. 



Flute, Antelope and Snake Ceremonies 

Blue Flute. Antelope and Snake Dances Described in Detail 



HEN the golden sun of July has passed into the 
blistering dog-days' sun of August and the peo- 
ple of the East are longing for rain, the Hopi 
priests are performing great ceremonies and 
making mighty medicine, the magic of which 
shall overpower that of the gods of the four 
world-quarters, the clouds and the lightning, 
in order that copious rains may descend and 
rescue the needed corn crop. Fortunate is he who has beheld 
any of the great winter ceremonies, but more fortunate is he 
who, fleeing from stifling city heat during August, has the 
courage to make the desert journey, and who can afford to spend 
a few days away from civilization in a tent at the foot of one 
of the mesas. 

The Hopi villages, which during the greater part of the year 
are left in almost absolute seclusion, now begin to change; for 
the tourist and the scientist throng the streets of these quaint 
towns, all eager to gain admission to the kiva, and more eager 
on the final day to obtain an advantageous point of view on one 
of the terraces, where they may snap their kodaks at a line of 
picturesquely dressed dancers and carry away the picture of a 
naked priest with a rattlesnake in his mouth. The summer 
ceremonials of the Hopi are growing more and more popular, as 
the world at large gradually realizes that the trip to Hopiland 
not only may be made without discomfort, but that the journey 
itself is an unqualified delight. 




139 




An Oraibi 
Flute Dance 



In five Hopi villages every year, two fraternities cooperate 
during August in the presentation of a nine days' ceremony. 
They are the Blue and Drab Flute and the Antelope and Snake. 
In even years (1904-1906, etc.) the Antelope and Snake frater- 
nities combine and enact their rites in the villages of Oraibi, 
Shumopovi and Shipaulovi. In the villages of Mishongnovi 
and Walpi may be witnessed in the same year, the com- 
bined ceremonies of the Blue and Drab Flute fraternities. 
In odd years (1 903-1 905, etc.) in Oraibi, Shumopovi and 
Shipaulovi are held the Flute ceremonies, and in Mishong- 
novi and Walpi the Snake- Antelope ceremonies. As the final 
day's performances do not coincide, one may arrange to wit- 
ness several of them. 

Naturally the goal of the majority of those who make the 
journey to Hopiland in August is the Snake ceremony, which, 
owing to its spectacular performance on the ninth day, has 
become world famous. The celebrations of the Flute Society, 
however, are certainly not less interesting, and in many ways are 
more picturesque. The date of the final performance of any one 
of these ceremonies is always known in the village at least sixteen 
days in advance. The officials of the Santa Fe are usually able 
to give due notice of it from ten to fifteen days in advance, 
in order that those whose time is limited may so arrange their 
journey that the public performances of two or three of the 
ceremonies may be witnessed without the expenditure of more 
than a week's time away from the railroad. 

Flute Ceremony 

In each of five villages there are two Flute organizations, one 
known as the Cakwalenya, or Blue Flute, the other as the Maci- 
lenya, or Drab Flute. The rites of these two societies have much 
in common, and a brief description of one will suffice for both. 

The secret rites of these societies are not held in a kiva, 
but in a chamber of the house of a leading member. Here the 
altar is erected, bahos are made and sacred traditional songs 
are sung. On the ninth day there is a public performance at 
a spring near the foot of the mesa. Early in the ceremony 
the six directions' altar, with its accompanying charm liquid, 
is erected, bahos are made, consecrated and deposited, the altar 
is put up, and the final early morning races and the public 

140 



performances are held at the spring. The last three events 
are of special interest. 

For the altar, we may again refer to that of the Blue Flute 
erected at Oraibi. We may now note in greater detail that the 
reredos of the altar forms a terraced rain-cloud symbol, while 
painted thereon are semi-circular rain clouds, lightning and 
birds. The great central image or Sky god bears on the sides 
of its body tablets, which may be likened to broad wings, each 
of which bears symbols of rain clouds and falling rain. At the 
side are effigies — one male, the other female — the cultus heroes 
of the Flute Society. The tiponi stands on a white semi- 
circular rain cloud of meal, surrounded by a terraced cloud 
symbol made up like a mosaic of kernels of blue and yellow 
corn. On each side of this symbol are many small wooden 
birds, rudely carved. These birds are present in all Flute altars 
of-Tusayan. There remains, finally, the bull-roarer or whizzer, 
the honey pot, and the great cloud-blowing pipe, occupying 
positions on the left hand of the altar. 

At sunrise of the ninth day occurs a spectacular footrace of 
naked men. They start 
from a point far out in the 
plain and run at a break- 
neck speed to the village 
in a grand struggle to 
obtain the reward of 
duly consecrated cere- 
monial objects which, 
when deposited in the 
owner's field, will give 
the winner special suc- 
cess in his crops. Then 
comes the slow proces- 
sion of the priests to the 
springs, where, around a 
hastily improvised altar, 
rites are enacted, songs 
are sung, accompanied 
by music of large flutes, 
each of which bears on 
its end a half of a gourd, 




Flute Priests at Spring, Oraibi Ceremony. 




Flute Priests at Toreva Spring. 



with symbolic paint- 
ings of the world 
quarters. These cer- 
emonies about the 
springs are probably 
not surpassed in pic- 
turesqu e n e s s and 
beauty. The return 
of the priests to the 
village is announced 
by the village crier. 

Analysis of these 
Flute ceremonies, as 
of other Hopi cere- 
monies , shows them 
to be elaborate pray- 
ers for rain, that there may be water in the springs, which 
at this time of the year are likely to be at very low ebb. 

Antelope-Snake Ceremonies 

Comparatively few people, even of those who are acquainted 
from personal experience with the wonders and fascinations of 
the Southwest, have witnessed these strange rites. Many who 
have written about them did so from a desire to be sensational ; 
as a consequence, many accounts are extant which give a false 
impression of these solemn, Aveird rites, so that at least an out- 
line of the performance must be given here. For our brief' 
description we may consider the combined performance given at 
Mishongnovi. 

Announcement. — According to the ancient custom, four 
days after the close of the final performance of the Niman 
celebration in the neighboring village of Shipaulovi, the chief 
priests of the Antelope and Snake fraternities at Mishongnovi 
assemble in a room in the home of the religious crier of the vil- 
lage, where they manufacture bahos and engage in fraternal 
smoking. On the following morning this crier at sunrise 
announces from the housetop the time of the ceremony. Then 
it is that couriers are hastily despatched to the railroad, where 
the news of the date of the ceremony is wired for the benefit 
of those desiring to make the journey. 



142 



First Day. — On the ninth day following this announcement 
one will see the Antelope and Snake priests repairing" to their 
respective kivas, where, before descending, they thrust into 
the mat-cover of the kiva hatchway a small, wooden object, 
sharpened at one end and having fastened to it two upright 
eagle feathers. This is the first natsi, standard, that announces 
to the world at large that ceremonies are to begin in the kiva 
below. Apart from the manufacture by the priests of nakwak- 
wosis in the kiva, little else of a ceremonial nature occurs on 
this day; for the priests are all busy in the fields, where the 
withering corn requires their presence. 

Second Day. — Nothing of importance takes place in the 
Antelope kiva on this day. From the Snake kiva may be seen 
to emerge, at about ten in the morning, three or more priests, 
naked except for the loin cloth, each bearing on his back 
a bundle of food, and holding in one hand a snake whip 
similar to the natsi, and a bag of meal; in the other hand he 
bears a rude digging stick. This is the beginning of the cere- 
monial hunt, which, on this day, is to the north. Few white 
men have followed these processions to the fields, owing 
to the Snake priests' objections to spectators. Should we be 
so fortunate, however, as to gain the consent of the priests to 
follow the line, we shall see them pass rapidly, in single file, 
down into the little gap which separates Mishongnovi and Ship- 
aulovi, then up the trail toward the summit of the mesa to the 
north, halting on the way at a shrine, Avhere, after prayers, 
nakwakwosis are deposited, when they continue until well 
upon the summit of the mesa. 

The hunt now begins in earnest. The men scatter, looking 
for snake tracks in the soft sand, and beating the sage brush 
here and there to arouse some sleeping reptile. Finally one has 
espied a rattlesnake coiled up at rest under a sage brush. He 
halts, casts a pinch of sacred meal from the little bag which 
he carries upon the reptile, and addresses a short prayer to it. 
He stoops over it, slowly waves his whip back and forth in the 
reptile's face, whereupon it begins uncoiling, when he swoops 
down upon it like a hawk and deposits the snake in a small 
buckskin bag. Perhaps another one has followed the track of 
a snake into a hole, whereupon he begins digging rapidly down- 
ward, thrusting into the hole his naked arm to discover the 



143 



direction of the hole. After digging perhaps two or three feet 
beneath the surface, the end is reached, the performance already 
described is repeated, and the snake deposited in the bag. 

Thus the hunt continues, the men restlessly, rapidly and 
silently passing to and fro. At noon they come together at 
some appointed spring, where, after their usual deposit of 
nakwakwosis , they partake of food, but not until toward sun- 
down do they wend their way back to the kiva. Once inside 
the sacred chamber, the bags containing the snakes are depos- 
ited side by side to the east of the old bear skin which con- 
tains ceremonial paraphernalia — snake whips and snake bags, 
to be used by the increasing number of priests who will take 
their places in constantly increasing numbers on the succeeding 
mornings. The priests then repair to their houses , return with 
food, and remain in the kiva, where they sleep during the night. 

Third Day. — On this morning nakwakwosis are again made 
and consecrated in the Antelope kiva, and are carried to the 
Snake kiva by the Snake priest, who now makes in turn a 
nakwakwosis for each of the members present for the hunt 
of this day, which is to the west. Again the line files out of the 
kiva and on into the undulating plain lying between Mishong- 
novi and Shumopovi. By the time of their 
return that night one or more jars has 
been brought into the kiva, along with a 
blanket containing sand. The priests having 
entered the kiva and deposited their bags as 
before, stoppers of corn cobs are now fitted to 
the apertures in the bottoms of the jars, which 
are then inverted. A priest now unties the 
snake bags one at a time, shaking the bag 
gently as he does so, until the snake crawls 
forth, when it is instantly seized upon by one 
of the younger members, who thrusts it head 
downward into the jar, and the stopper is 
replaced. This operation is continued until all 
of the snakes have been transferred. 

Fourth Day. — The hunt on this 
day is to the south, and on the fifth 
day to the east, which concludes the 
ceremonial circuit. Should the priest 




Copyright, 1896, by G. Wharton James. 



Antelope Priest. 



not have been fully successful during these days, the hunt 
is continued throughout the remaining days of the ceremony 
up to the ninth ; but on the days following the fifth no 
regard is paid to the points of the compass. As the number 
of snakes continues to increase additional jars are provided, 
until, by the evening of the eighth day, there are perhaps 
from sixty to eighty snakes present, from one-third to one-half 
of them being rattlesnakes, the others racers, whip and bull 
snakes. 

Fifth Day. — While the Snake priests are engaged in their 
last ceremonial hunt to the east the Antelope priests are erecting 
an altar in the Antelope kiva. First, sand of many colors 
has been brought into the kiva. A member takes a native 
basket tray and sifts upon the main floor a sand field approxi- 
mating five feet square. Upon the edge of this are outlined 
four bands. On the inner space are sketched four rows of semi- 
circles, a zigzag line depending from each one down into the 
main field. Two or more of the priests now begin applying the 
colored sand. First the outer square is filled in with yellow, 
symbolic of the north ; then another band is filled in with green, 
symbolic of the west, then the red band of the south, and finally, 
the white of the east. In the meantime other priests have been 
filling in with these four colors the rain-cloud symbols. The 
zigzags are then filled in and converted into lightning symbols. 
The two tiponis of the society are now placed in their proper 
positions at the extreme corners of the mosaic and the crooks 
and other accompanying objects are added, when the altar is 
completed. Bahos are now being made in rapidly increasing 
numbers. 

Constant are the visits of the Snake priest, both morning 
and evening, to this Antelope kiva, where he engages in fraternal 
smoking with its high priest, bearing back with him each day to 
his own kiva certain prayer offerings. 

Sixth Day. — Very early on the morning of the sixth day, 
just as the morning star appears, the Snake priest, accompanied 
by a young man, enters the kiva, where we shall find the priests 
beginning to assume their accustomed positions about the altar. • 
In the meantime the Antelope priest has left the kiva and re- 
turns with a young maid. These two people are now properly 
attired in beautiful ceremonial costumes and are at once led 




A Snake Priest. 



145 



to the rear of the altar, where, in the hands of the maid, who 
personates the Antelope maid of the great myth of this frater- 
nity, is placed an earthenware vessel which contains stalks of 
growing com and vines of melons. Upon the arm of the Snake 
youth is laid one of the tiponis, while into his other hand is given 
a rattlesnake, brought by the Snake priest from the Snake kiva. 
The two chief priests then assume their positions of honor in 
the semi-circle of priests about the altar, one bearing in his 
hands a snake whip, each of the other priests providing them- 
selves with one of the altar crooks, while another priest takes 
from the medicine bowl the aspergil. 

We are now to witness a ceremony and to listen to the sing- 
ing of songs of great antiquity. One song after another is sung, 
the asperger sprinkling holy water upon the sand mosaic from 
time to time until the seventh song is reached, whereupon the 
chief Antelope priest retires to the side of the hearth, where 
he lights an ancient time-stained cloud-blower filled with 
native tobacco. As a new song is begun he passes to the back of 
the altar and as the priests sing their invocations to the yellow 
clouds of the north, to the green clouds of the west, to the red 
clouds of the south, and to the white clouds of the east, he forces 
from the smaller end of this pipe great clouds of smoke upon 
these colored clouds, as they are named, and invokes one after 
the other. At the termination of the eighth song the youth and 
maid are relieved of the objects which they have been holding 
and the ceremony is at an end. 

Seventh Day. — This performance is repeated in prac- 
tically the same manner at the early morning of this day. And 
here, last year, a strange thing happened; for no sooner had the 
priests sung their traditional song to the clouds of the four 
world-quarters than rain began to patter heavily upon the 
roof of the kiva. So great was the emotion of certain of the 
priests at the conclusion of the ceremony that they burst into 
violent sobbing in their joy and thanksgiving. 

Eighth Day. — Again this ceremony is repeated on this 
morning; but now comes an interesting variation. While the 
priests have begun the singing of the traditional songs, two of 
the Snake priests have arrayed themselves in the habiliaments 
of the War god. They provide themselves with a bull-roarer 
and a curious frame or lightning-shooter and leave the kiva. 



146 



Upon the hatchway they twirl the bull-roarer and shoot the 
frame to the four world-quarters and enter the Antelope kiva. 
During the singing of the seventh song they repeat this perform- 
ance at the four corners of the altar. 

While it is still dark outside the kiva the jangling of bells 
are heard as the young men of the village begin to make 
their way far into the plain below, eager for the first ceremonial 
or Antelope race. The warriors depart from the kiva, accom- 
panied by an Antelope priest, and the three make their way 
down the side of the mesa, out into the field below, about two 
miles from the village. Here the Antelope priest deposits 




Copyright, 1896, by G. Wharton James. 

Antelope Circuit, Oraibi. 

certain bahos in a little shrine. In front of the shrine he draws 
with sacred corn meal upon the sand, emblems of clouds and of 
falling rain. He then returns along the trail toward the village 
for a few yards and makes another set of these symbols, and so 
on until he has made four. In the meantime the young men of 
the village are ready in line back of the first cloud symbol, 
awaiting the signal for the race. At the conclusion of the draw- 
ing of the fourth cloud symbol by the Antelope priest the two 
warriors, twirling their bull-roarers, begin to advance toward 
the Antelope priest from the position which they have main- 
tained by the side of the first symbol. Their arrival is the sig- 
nal for the racers to start. And what a race it is ! The spectacle 
is glorious as this line of from forty to sixty men rush on toward 



147 



the village, each exerting every ounce of his strength to gain 
the coveted prize. On and on they come, nearer and nearer the 
mesa, the tinkling of the bells at their knees keeping up a merry 
jingle as they are urged to put forth greater endeavors by their 
friends stationed at the foot of the mesa. On they come, 
the line now extending out over a long distance as the less fleet 
are gradually left behind and the race is left, perhaps, to three 
or four, who continue their way up the winding, precipitous 
trail, on toward the lofty summit of the mesa, the perspiration 
fairly dripping from their bodies. As the winner of the race 
appears upon the summit he continues his course to the roof 
of the kiva, where he sits down and patiently awaits his reward. 

In the meantime, the two warriors and the Antelope priest 
have gained the summit of the mesa, where the latter makes 
upon the trail a cloud symbol and deposits prayer offerings, 
while the warriors again twirl their bull-roarers and shoot their 
lightning frames. The latter then repair to the Snake kiva, 
where they disrobe, while the Antelope priest at once proceeds 
to his own kiva, where he receives from the chief priest a small 
ring and a netted gourd into which has been placed holy water 
and consecrated smoke. These he now takes outside to the 
awaiting winner, who departs to deposit them in his fields, 
and the first public performance is at an end. 

While the contestants in the race were departing for the 
field below, large numbers of naked boys and girls, fantastically 
dressed and painted, have gathered on the mesa east of the 
trail, the boys in one group, the girls in another near by. As the 
winner of the race makes his appearance at this point the girls, 
with a loud shout, run after the boys and there ensues a merry 
and picturesque scramble on their part to wrest from the boys 
the corn stalks, which the girls bear in triumph through the 
streets to their homes in the village. 

The Snake priests not otherwise engaged during this day 
may be found in their kiva. Toward noon a heavily laden 
burro may be seen passing through the streets of the village, 
driven by one of the priests and bearing upon his back many 
cottonwood boughs. These the Snake priests now fashion 
into a bower or kisi. 

In the Antelope kiva the manufacture of bahos has been con- 
tinued, but toward the middle of the afternoon, in both kivas, 

148 



the priests begin to costume themselves for the public perform- 
ance, which is to take place toward sundown. At the appointed 
hour the Antelope priests, led by their chief, appear, and proceed 
to the head of the plaza, each man bearing in his hand an Ante- 
lope rattle and all gaily costumed in ceremonial kilts and sashes, 
with dependent fox skins behind and the body appropriately 
painted. Soon the Snake priests appear. They also, with 
measured step, proceed toward the plaza. 

As the Antelope priests enter the plaza they turn toward the 
right, near the walls of the houses, and make a complete circuit 
of the plaza four times, each circuit growing smaller in diameter 
and each priest sprinkling meal upon the two shrines, which 
occupy a position near the center of the plaza, and stamping 
violently with his left foot upon the plank which is set in the 
ground in front of the kisi, with a hole in its center. This hole, 
like those in the kivas, is symbolic of the si pa pit, the entrance 
to the under world. As the Antelope band conclude their fourth 
circuit they line up in front of the kisi, facing north. The Snake 
men now repeat this performance, and at the conclusion of the 
fourth circuit, line up facing the Antelope priests. The two 
lines now begin singing one of the traditional sacred songs, 
the time of the singing being accompanied by the shaking of 
the rattles in the hands of the Antelope men, and by the waving 
of the snake whips in the hands of the Snake men. As one 
song after another is sung, the movement of the dancers changes ; 
now it is slow, backward and forward, now it is a gradual sway- 
ing of the bodies of the priests, each locking arm with his neigh- 
bor. After this performance has been continued for some time, 
one of the Antelope men and one of the Snake men step forward 
and go to the front of the kisi, where, stooping over, they obtain 
a corn-stalk packet, which had been previously 
constructed in the kiva. This the Antelope 
man now places in his mouth, while the Snake 
man takes his place outside and places his 
right arm over the left shoulder of the Ante- 
lope priest. The singing of songs continues and 
the two men dance up and down the lines. At 
the conclusion of the performance the two socie- 
ties return to their kivas, after having made 
the circuit of the plaza as before. 



Ninth Day. — On this morning again occurs the singing of 
the traditional songs, the performance of the warriors and the 
race from the plain below, which, on this day, is termed the 
Snake race. Throughout the day the Antelope men are, as usual, 
engaged in the manufacture of bahos. Toward noon there seems 
to hover over the entire village a solemn and mysterious awe, 
which even extends to the white spectators, whose number 
has greatly increased. Fortunate indeed is he who now has the 
privilege of entering the Snake kiva ; for the time has come for 
the performance of the rite which is most zealousfy guarded by 
the Snake priests. 

A large bowl is brought into the Snake kiva, and in it holy 
water is prepared. Sand is brought and spread over an area 
of the floor, perhaps ten feet long by two feet wide. This area 
is surrounded by large flat stones used by the priests during 
ordinary occasions as loom supports. Facing the wall and 
surrounding this narrow field of sand, the priests take their 
places, sitting on the stones. 

In the center and standing behind the line is another priest, 
costumed as the War god. In front of the chief priest is placed 
the bowl of holy water. Two or three of the priests proceed 
to the comer of the kiva, where the snake jars are kept, which 
they pick up one by one, and gather the snakes up and thrust 
them into the canvas sacks which the}' cany to the Snake 
priests. The most solemn moment of the entire performance 
has arrived. Beginning a low chanting song, the priest reaches 
his hand into one of the bags and draws forth as many snakes 
as he possibly can. The song grows louder; the shaking of the 
snake whips in the hands of the 
priests is increased in violence as the 
chief plunges the wriggling mass of 
reptiles into the basin. Drawing them 
out , he hurls them violently upon 
v the sand field, where the}- begin to 
j\ crawl to and fro, their course being 
l\ directed by the priests surrounding 
Rj the field with their snake whips. 
Ml The performance continues until the 
Si last of the snakes has been washed. 
7 The war priest then takes up the m 

150 




Priest Bearing Ceremonial 
Paraphernalia into Kiva. 




Copyright, 1896, by G. Wharton James. 

Face View, Snake Priests, Oraibi. 



bowl, leaves the kiva, makes a 
circuit of the village, visiting each 
of the four trails leading from the 
village, beginning of course with 
the north, and pours in each place 
a portion of the water, whereupon 
he returns to the kiva. 

The older priests now continue 
the preparation and repairing of 
their costumes, one finishing a 
pair of moccasins, another paint- 
ing his kilt, and so on. In the 

meantime the snakes are left on this sand field and are herded 
by barefoot, naked boys from seven to twelve years of age, 
who, sitting on the stones or upon the sand, play with the 
snakes, permitting them to crawl under, around and over them, 
handling them with as little apprehension of danger as boys 
playing with shells and sand on the seashore. Actually, as 
one sits by and watches this performance, fascinated and 
spellbound, the minutes lengthening into hours, he soon loses 
all realization of any sense of fear. He forgets that these 
little naked boys are actually playing with twenty or thirty 
rattlesnakes, to say nothing of other snakes, with no more 
feeling of fear than they would play with melon vines in the field. 

As the sun begins to sink behind the San Francisco Peaks 
the priests of both kivas have concluded their preparation for 
the final performance. The costuming and painting occupied 
perhaps an hour. The men of both fraternities took immense 
pride in their make-up, assisting each other, and generously 
sharing a small piece of looking-glass which was in constant 
demand. The sight behind the scenes is amusing at times, and 
gives one a good idea of the humanness of the Hopi. The 
snakes are gathered into bags and are carried to the plaza by 
one of the Snake men, who secretes himself with them inside 
the kisi. 

The hour for the dance has arrived, the village is thronged 
with people. Every available foot of space is occupied, not only 
around the walls of the plaza, but to the summit of the terraces 
surrounding the plaza. What a motley crowd it is! This 
crowd of spectators gathered from far and wide to behold this, 



o of Dancers. 



the most weird, unique and most amazing 
spectacle to be found in any part of the 
world. Here are Navaho with their gay 
blankets, their many necklaces of beads 
of shell and silver, Zuni and dwellers of 
the pueblos beyond, cow boys and Mexi- 
cans, railroad men from along the line of 
the Santa Fe, tourists from California, 
Denver, St. Louis, Chicago and the East, 
scientists from the different centers of 
learning, governors of States, presidents of 
railroads, bankers, and last, but not least, 
many ladies. 

The procession of the two lines is simi- 
lar to that of the preceding day, the varia- 
tions in costume being too great to be considered here. The 
Antelope men, however, are attired as on the day before, 
with certain significant variations, of course, while the Snake 
men have their snake kilts and their bandoleers, each one of 
which is supposed to contain a portion of the human anatomy 
of some enemy slain in war. Each priest wears on his head a 
brilliantly colored head-dress of plumage, and has about his 
knee a tortoise-shell rattle. Each, also, has an endless profu- 
sion of turquoise and silver beads about his neck, each trying to 
outdo his neighbor in his display of his wealth. Each Ante- 
lope priest carries his peculiar rattle, while certain members 
of his fraternity carry the two tiponis. The asperger bears his 
bowl of holy water with the aspergil. 
The Snake priests are provided with their 
whips, a bag of sacred meal and the long 
single black baho, made for them by the 
Antelope priests. 

Again the two lines enter the plaza. 
The singing begins, one song being fol- 
lowed by another, until, as on the day be- 
fore, the time comes for the approach to 
the kisi. Now, however, one of the Snake 
priests, the carrier, approaches, receives 
from the kisi a snake, which he places in 
his mouth, while another Snake man, the 

152 




Priest Returning to I 
after Dance. 



hugger, follows immediately behind him and places his arm 
over his shoulder, his office being to guard the man's face 
from the snake's head with his snake whip ; then comes a 
third priest, the gatherer. These are followed by other 
trios, the first receiving a snake, until all the Snake priests have 
passed the kisi. 

Occasionally a snake wriggles from the mouth of one of the 
men and is at once picked up by the gatherer. While the Ante- 
lope priests are continuing the singing, the line of Snake men 
moves round and round in a long circuit, each carrier receiving 
a new snake each time he passes the kisi, the huggers guarding 
the faces of the carriers and the gatherers receiving fresh acquisi- 
tions to their hands, until the supply of snakes in the kisi has 
been exhausted. One of the priests then steps forward and upon 
the ground draws a circle with sacred corn meal about five feet 
in diameter. Into this the gatherers drop their snakes in one 
wriggling, writhing mass. The entire line of Snake men then 
passes by this heap at a rapid gait. Each man as he passes 
plunges both hands into the mass and catches up as many 
snakes as he can possibly grasp in his two hands and starts off 
over the side of the mesa, the first man going to the north, the 
second to the west, and so on, continuing the ceremonial circuit 
until the last snake has been gathered from the pile, when they 
are deposited at the foot of the 
mesa below, along with the 
black bahos, and the Snake 
Dance is practically over. To be 
sure, there are purification rites 
in the kiva on the night of this 
day, preceded by the drinking of 
the emetic by all of 
the Snake men and 
by violent vomiting 
over the sides of the 
mesa, with a final 
feast in the kiva on 
that night. There are 
also four days follow- 
ing of jollification, 
when ceremonial 





Circuit of Snake Priests, Walpi. 




Copyright, 1896, by F. H. Maude. 

Dancers, Oraibi. 



games and pastimes are indulged in by all the 
members of the village, the young people 
especially devoting themselves to merry- 
making. 

For the average white visitor, with the 
disappearance of the last of the snakes in the 
hands of the priests over the side of the village 
and with the slow and measured return of 
the Antelope priests to their kiva, and with 
the drinking of the emetic by the Snake 
priests immediately on their return, the cer- 
emony is at an end. Those pressed for time 
may be seen hurrying down to the foot of 
the mesa where their drivers have already put the horses to 
the carriages, for there yet remains sufficient duration of twi- 
light to enable them to make many miles of the homeward 
journey, while others, more fortunate and less pressed for time, 
return to their camps. 

Naturally, there is one topic above all others : How is it that 
these priests, some of whom are mere infants, are not bitten and 
do not die from wounds of the rattlesnakes? This much 
may be said with confidence : There is absolutely no attempt 
on the part of the Hopi to extricate the fangs or in any 
other way whatsoever to render the snakes harmless. In the 
second place, so far as is known, the Hopi have no antidote for 




The Dance, Walpi. 



poison. They neither rub their bodies nor take an antidote 
with them before going upon the hunt, while the drinking of 
the emetic and the violent vomiting immediately after the 
dance is a purification rite, pure and simple. Yet no Hopi 
Snake priest has ever been known to suffer from the bite of a 
rattlesnake. There seems to be but one answer to the question, 
and that is, that the Hopi Snake priests understand the ways 
of the rattlesnake, and are careful never to pick him up or to 
handle him when he has assumed a striking attitude. When a 
snake falls from the mouth of a carrier and coils, the whip is 
waved over it, whereupon it is picked up. It is also quite 
possible to believe that from the very moment the rattlesnake 
is ruthlessly seized in the field until he is released at the conclu- 
sion of the ceremony, he is handled with such recklessness that 
his constant desire is not to strike, but to flee. Again, it must be 
admitted that as soon as the snakes enter the kiva they are kept 
in tightly closed jars, hence by the end of the ceremony are prob- 
ably in a dazed condition. But the rattlesnake, during the greater 
part of his captivity, is treated with the utmost unconcern. 

And after this comes that other question : What does 
this all mean? The ceremony of the Snake and Antelope 
priests, presumably like all other ceremonies, is a dramatiza- 
tion of a ritual which had its origin in a myth, each recounting 
how, on some occasion in the far distant past, various events 
happened in a certain way and certain definite and tangible 
results followed. As it is enacted to-day, the Antelope-Snake 
ceremony is an elaborate prayer for rain, the snakes carrying 
down to the underground world, where they are in direct con- 
nection with the great plumed water serpent, prayers to the 
gods of the rain clouds that they will send such copious rains as 
will save the Hopi from hunger, and possibly from starvation. 




Moki Children. 



CHAPTER XIV 




Ancient Home of the Hopi 

Awatobi — Sikyatki — Homolobi — Black Falls — Walnut Canyon — Red Rock 

Country 

N the road to Hopiland one passes many Navaho 
and many ruins, but the average traveler may 
fail to see either, for the ruins, like the Navaho, 
though numerous, are scattered and of the 
color of the desert and hence may be easily 
overlooked. 

For convenience, we may consider the ruins of 
this region in connection with four geographical areas ; Tusayan, 
the Little Colorado, Walnut Canyon and the Red Rock country. 
Other areas of Arizona, such as that occupied by the White 
Mountain Apache , must be passed over. The groups of ruins above 
named, however, have additional interest for us, for it is extremely 
probable that they were all occupied at one time or another by 
the ancestors of some of the clans now dwelling in Tusayan. 

Ruins of Tusayan 

Standing on the summit of the First Mesa there are at least 
fifty ruins within the sweep of the naked eye. Many of these 
ruins, carefully explored by trained investigators, and rich in 
material, have become well known to science. 

One of the best known of these near-by ruins is that of 
Awatobi, the Place of the Bow People, or Tallahogan, the Sing- 
ing House, as it is called by the Navaho. Awatobi occupies a 

157 




slope of a mesa which rises to the southeast, just north of the 
Jeditoh wash. Near the ruin, there project slightly above the 
level of the earth faint traces of the crumbling walls which mark 
the limits of the houses of the old city. Toward the northeastern 
corner of the ruins may still be made out the walls of an old 
Spanish mission. Back from the mesa, on the west side, is a 
number of sand dunes, covered with a scant growth of sage brush, 
their contours, however, changing, as the sand drifts in front of 
the wind. 

The especial interest of Awatobi, however, is not in the char- 
acter of the rooms, or in the wealth of pottery and other artifacts 
excavated in the burying-grounds, but in the history of the village 
itself. The researches of Banclelier brought to light a document 
of the date of 1722, in which the destruction of the town of 
"Ahuatuyba" is set forth briefly but explicitly. Additional 
testimony on this point was obtained by Dr. Fewkes from 
Caliko, a priestess of one of the religious orders of Walpi. Ac- 
cording to her story, Awatobi was a village of considerable im- 
portance, but not on good terms with the other Hopi villages, 
and several charges of misconduct are attributed to the men of 
Awatobi by the Walpi priestess. As a consequence, the chief 
of Awatobi quarreled with his people and invited the Oraibians 
to assist him in destroying the village. In the engagement 
which followed, Topolo, the Awatobi chief, and the Oraibians 
were not successful, and assistance was asked of the Walpians. 
After much consultation, the warriors, not only of Walpi and 
Oraibi, but of the other villages, agreed to attack Awatobi on 
the night of a certain day. According to the story, the approach 
was made on the east side of the village, where they entered by 
means of a gateway belonging presumably to the mission. From 
here they passed at once to the underground kiva where a cere- 
mony was occupying the men of the village. They pulled up the 
ladder and shot arrows and burning brands among the priests 
and succeeded in destroying or capturing the remaining inhab- 
itants of the village. Among those captured were several indi- 
viduals skilled in magic, and they were especially careful to spare 
the women versed in the traditional songs and prayers of cere- 
monies, and who were willing to teach them; nor were any 
children intentionally killed. The village was destroyed, so far 
as possible, by means of fire. The results of Dr. Fewkes' explora- 

158 



tions bear out not only 
the fact of the destruc- 
tion of the village, as 
recorded by the Spanish 
priest, but the manner, 
as related by the Walpi 
priestess. 

From the ruins of 
Awatobi is afforded a 
view up the Teditoh or 
Antelope valley, which 
contains a number of Ruin at Black Falls, Little Colorado River. 

interesting Hopi ruins, 

all Hopi, some of which have recently been explored by 
Dr. Hough for the National Museum. Passing by these ruins 
and returning to the immediate vicinity of the First Mesa, we 
find on the east side, near the foot of the mesa, and less than a 
mile from Walpi, two prominent knolls, upon which may be 
traced portions of crumbling walls. This is all that is visible of 
an ancient city, which, according to tradition, was also destroyed 
by the Walpians long before the arrival of the Spaniards. Dr. 
Fewkes made a careful exploration of this ruin, and of the exten- 
sive burying-ground which surrounded the ruined walls of the 
village on three sides. From this vast tomb he exhumed prob- 
ably the most beautiful and the most important collection of pre- 
historic pottery ever taken from any ruin in North America. 
The name given to the ruin by the Indians of to-day is Sikyatki. 

South of Sikyatki, and at the foot of the mesa, still nearer 
the modern village of Walpi, may be traced here and there the 
dim outlines of Avails, which, according to tradition, mark sites 
of ancient homes of the ancestors of the Walpians of to-day. A 
large number of the burying-grounds of these ruins have recently 
been thoroughly explored by Mr. Owen, for the Field Columbian 
Museum. 

As the ruins of many ancient Walpis may be traced around 
the foot of the First Mesa, so, at the Second Mesa we may trace 
the ruins of a more ancient Mishongnovi and of an ancient 
Shumopovi. Two of these ancient villages have been carefully 
explored. Half way down the side of the Middle Mesa, near 
Mishongnovi, Mr. Owen was so fortunate as to unearth many 

159 




hundred beautifully decorated earthenware vessels, as well as 
numerous stone implements and other artifacts, while at 
Shumopovi important series of ancient earthenware vessels have 
been excavated in the old burying-grounds by both Dr. Fewkes 
and Mr. Owen. 

North of Oraibi for a distance of many miles, even as far as 
Kishuu, distant sixty miles, may be found one ruin after another. 
South of Oraibi and to the west, on toward the modern summer 
village at Moenkopi, may be found other ruins without end. 
In fact, the whole province of Tusayan may be characterized as 
one graveyard of ruins, with intervening mesas or stretches of 
level waste ; nor does the modern boundary of the province of 
Tusayan mark the limit of these ruins. From the north they 
extend on beyond the San Juan, almost within sight of Salt Lake 
City. Toward the east the ruins continue to and beyond the 
canyons already mentioned, while toward the southeast and the 
south they pass imperceptibly from those which may be charac- 
terized as definitely known Hopi ruins to those of undoubted 
Zuni origin. The province is a veritable Egypt, where one can 
not go far in any direction without encountering the low-lying 
walls of some ancient town, with its near-by necropolis among 
the sand hills. 

Ruins of the Little Colorado 

Perhaps the most famous ruin of the series which line the 
banks of this river for the course of many miles is that found 
just across the river, within three miles of the town of Winslow, 
and known as Homolobi. The ruin itself is marked by a single 
small knoll, the projecting walls of the houses being scarcely 
visible. Although the town of Homolobi could scarcely have 
contained more than a hundred inhabitants, yet, from the bury- 
ing-ground occupying the northern slope of the mound and the 
plain just beyond have been secured by excavation over three 
thousand pieces of pottery, each piece beautiful, and nearly all 
possessing one or more symbols of interest to the student. 

Passing on down the river toward its junction with the Colo- 
rado, we come to other and much more imposing ruins in the 
region of Black Falls. The country here is extremely arid, its 
general character being determined by great rivers of black lava, 
which have covered the red sandstone and limestone of the 



160 



region. Thus there have been formed by erosion many mesas 
and buttes, which tower above the surrounding country. Upon 
the summits of these mesas are the ruins, which, as a rule, stand 
on the brink of small canyons. The burying-grounds are gen- 
erally found at the foot of the mesas in eroded pockets in the 
lava, which have been filled in with drifting sand. The walls 
of the houses are generally built with sandstone, although lime- 
stone was also used, as well as blocks of lava. No one of the 
many ruins of this extensive group lying within a radius of 
several miles of Black Falls has ever been thoroughly explored, 
but excavations already made show that, in pottery at least , the 
people of this region differed entirely from those of the Hopi 
ruins. The pottery of this region is not only much coarser, but 
is confined to the black corrugated ware, and the black and white 
ware. According to the researches of Dr. Fewkes, there can be no 
doubt that these ruins were occupied by certain Hopi clans, who, 
later on, deserted this region and joined other elans in Tusayan. 

South of the Black Falls and in the vicinity of Flagstaff, are 
several ruins, all easily visited and worthy of a moment's notice. 
The majority of these ruins are of the so-called cavate type. It 
seems probable that the inhabitants of these caves, which have 
been excavated in lava, were not different from those of the 
pueblo ruins in the immediate vicinity. A drive to either of 
these groups of cavate ruins forms a pleasant excursion from 
Flagstaff, and need not consume' over four or five hours' time. 

The excursion from Flagstaff to the cliff houses in Walnut 
Canyon is strongly recommended to those who are unable to 
make a visit to the more stately cliff ruins of northern Arizona 
or New Mexico. The drive of an hour and a half is through an 
extremely picturesque country, and a personal examination of 
the ruins may be made with no danger, and with very little 
fatigue. The Walnut Canyon, in the region of the ruins, is 
exceedingly picturesque, its almost precipitous walls being 
covered with pine and cedar trees. An easy path from the end 
of the carriage drive leads downward to a distance of from one to 
two hundred feet, where, built in a great recess, on a ledge, 
begins a series of chambers which extend for a long distance in 
each direction. It is possible to pass along this ledge and visit 
one after another of these ancient houses, the walls of which are 
still black from the smoke of fires of long ago. 

161 



The Red Rock Country 



In southern Arizona along the course of the Gila River, and 
extending up the Verde Valley to the famous Montezuma well, 
are extensive and innumerable ruins which have long been 
known to scientists. It remained for Dr. Fewkes to work from 
this point north along the Verde to Flagstaff, where he dis- 
covered many hitherto unknown ruins and thus extended the 
range of the early migrations of the Hopi all the way from 
Tusayan to the Gila River. This region, explored so recently, 
lies east of the railroad, between Ash Fork and Prescott, and 
may easily be penetrated from the latter city, or from Jerome. 

The character of this region is described by Dr. Fewkes as 
follows : 

"We made camp at the mouth of a wild canyon, six miles 
from Schurmann's ranch, surrounded by some of the wildest 
scenery that I have ever witnessed. The colors of the rocks 
are variegated, .so that the gorgeous cliffs appear to be banded, 
rising from eight hundred to one thousand feet sheer on all sides. 
These rocks had weathered into fantastic shapes suggestive of 
cathedrals, Greek temples and sharp steeples of churches ex- 
tending like giant needles into the sky. The scenery compares 
very favorably with that of the Garden of the Gods, and is 
much more extended. This place, I have no doubt, will sooner 
or later become popular with the sightseer. 

"On the sides of these inaccessible cliffs we noticed several 
cliff houses, but so high were they perched above us that they 
were almost invisible. To reach them at their dizzy altitude 
was impossible. * * * We moved our camp westward from 
this canyon (which, from a great cliff resembling the Parthenon, 
I called Temple Canyon) , following the base of the precipitous 
mountains to a second canyon, equally beautiful but not so 
grand, and built our fire in a small grove of scrub oak and 
cottonwood. * * * On the first evening at this camp we 
sighted a bear, which gave the name Honanki, 'Bearhouse,' to 
the adjacent ruined dwellings." 

The valley contains many interesting examples of the three 
well-known groups of ruins: (i) the ruins of the pueblo type, 
situated, as a rule, in the valley or on the plateau, but in each 
instance isolated and independent from any connection with 

162 



cliffs; (2) the cliff houses, built, generally, on ledges or in 
caverns in the sides of canyons, with overhanging roofs; and 
(3) the cavate dwellings or rooms excavated in the cliff walls. 
The most accessible group of the last named dwellings are to 
be found on the left bank of the Verde River, eight miles south 
from Camp Verde, and about three miles from the mouth of 
Clear Creek. 

We may, perhaps, get a clew as to the reason for the number 
of ruins by the condition which we have seen to exist in the 
immediate vicinity of Oraibi. Here we saw some fifteen or 
twenty near the foot of the mesa. The majority of these ruins 
are small, and it seems probable that in the large village of 
Oraibi to-day we find lineal descendants of the inhabitants of 
these more ancient towns. This ancient pueblo people, although 
living in well-built stone houses, were, like the other Indians of 
North America, and like all aborigines, wanderers; and, like the 
tribes of the Plains, the old Hopi were continually on the move. 

In the Hopi villages of to-day we have a congeries of clans, 
gathered together for mutual support, which probably came 
from every point of the compass. In any one of the larger Hopi 
villages it is extremely likely that we have descendants of people 
who once lived in the cliff ruins of the north and south, as well 
as in the ruins in the valleys in the immediate vicinity, along 
the Little Colorado and the country to the east and to the 
south. That the number of Hopi living at any one time in the 
ages gone by was greatly in excess of those of to-day is possible, 
but not very probable. 




163 




Navaho Family. 



The Navaho 

Early History — Home Life and Industries — Wand, Plumed Arrow, Hosh- 
kawn and Fire Dances — Future of the Navaho 

HEN a traveler journeys to Hopiland, in Arizona, 
he crosses a portion of the Navaho reservation. 
It is one of the largest in the United States and 
contains about sixteen thousand Indians. So 
widely scattered are they, however, that one 
may travel many miles and not see a solitary 
representative of this race. Let the announce- 
ment go forth, however, that there is to be a 
medicine dance at the lodge of a certain Indian, or that there 
will be at the trading post competitive games with a distribution 
of prizes, and Navaho fairly spring up out of the ground and 
make their way from every direction to the appointed place. 

The territory occupied by the Navaho is extensive in area and 
extremely diversified in character. Thus, in the country along 
and to the north of the Little Colorado River are broad valleys 
and rolling prairies, v r ith mesas and buttes rising up out of the 
desert here and there, while east and north it is very broken, 
with high tablelands and deep canyons. Everywhere the desert 
predominates, and we find an accompanying desert vegetation. 
Along the washes, however, and in the canyons water is to be 




found during certain months of the year, while springs occur here 
and there. Near such sources of water are to be found the habi- 
tations of the Navaho, usually not more than eight or ten in a 
single vicinity, although in a canyon or well watered valley we 
may find perhaps as many as a hundred families. Nowhere, 
however, are the Navaho gathered into anything like the village 
communities of the Pueblo Indians, or even in groups, such as 
we find among many other tribes of the Southwest. Having 
strong migratory tendencies, and owing to the temporary nature 
of his habitation, the Navaho wanders here and there like a true 
nomad. 

Concerning the early history of the Navaho not much is defi- 
nitely known. Linguistically he is not only closely related to 
the Apache, but to many other tribes in the far north speaking 
dialects of the Athapascan tongue. He wandered southward 
along with the Apache in comparatively recent times, before the 
advent of the Spaniard. It seems probable that in his early days 
in the Southwest the band was not numerous, but as it wandered 
about from place to place, generally with hostile intent toward 
the peaceful sedentary Indians, this early horde gathered to 
itself the lawless and warlike people of many tribes. It is even 
known that many Pueblo people attached themselves to the 
Navaho in early times. This infusion of strange blood undoubt- 
edly changed his character in many respects. From these alien 
people he probably learned the art of weaving and of making 
pottery. 

Owing to a very peculiar circumstance, the character of the 
Navaho was entirely changed soon after the advent of the Span- 
iards. It is related that a band of Navaho on a predatory ex- 
pedition obtained by theft a flock of sheep from the Spaniards 
along the Rio Grande. A few years later, owing to this circum- 
stance, the Navaho gave up very largely the quest for blood 
and became Bedouins, cultivating the more peaceful arts and 
looking after their flocks. The women now became expert in 
the manufacture of blankets. They obtained at an early date 
peaches and other fruits from the Rio Grande peoples, and 
began to cultivate small orchards, when their life underwent a 




Navaho Camp 



Navaho Camp Scene. 



further change, and they became more and more sedentary 
in their habits. 

To-day we find the Navaho possessing enormous flocks of 
sheep. From the sale of wool, as well as blankets, they derive 
a steady income. They also maintain orchards, small patches 
of corn and melons, and cultivate large areas of beans, which 
they sell to traders with much profit. This new life compels 
them to remain in a fixed spot for certain months, but the 
necessity of finding fresh pastures for their flocks keeps them 
more or less continually on the move during the remainder of 
the year. 

In appearance the Navaho is tall, rather slender, and ex- 
tremely agile. Both sexes, almost from birth, are at home on 
the pony, of which they own large numbers, and the men are 
famous for their ability in running. At first acquaintance 
they are silent and seemingly unfriendly, but on closer acquaint- 
ance they are found to possess a great store of humor, and a 
cheerful and happy disposition. They are very fond of games 
and sports of all sorts and are inveterate gamblers, the women 
passing much of their time in playing with long wooden dice, 
while the men play for hours at monte. Of their ancient 
costume there is very little left. Both men and women almost 
universally wear moccasins, and both use garters and hair 
strings and a belt of their own make. Otherwise they dress 
after the fashion of the whites, both sexes, on gala days and when 
they can afford it, wearing velvet clothing. They are exceed- 
ingly fond of wearing many-strand necklaces of shell beads inter- 
spersed with turquoise, while the men have a passion for jewelry 
of silver, wearing about their waists leathern belts upon which 
are strung large silver disks. They also use silver buttons on 
their moccasins, and often have silver pendants in their ears. 



167 



The houses or hogans of the Navaho, while not enduring, 
as are those of the Pueblo people, are made with care, and are 
admirably adapted to the desert. The winter house is more 
carefully built than the summer shelter. About a circular 
excavation, fifteen feet or so in diameter, is placed a row of pinon 
or cedar posts which converge toward the top, which is left 
open for the exit of the smoke. Over this rough framework is 
placed a layer of small brush, to which is finally added a thick 
coating of adobe. The summer shelter is not so pretentious. 
Often it is nothing more than a circular cleared spot of ground 
surrounded by a windbrake of sage brush; or again, it ma}- be 
built on the side of a hill, the floor being leveled so that there 
is formed at the back a wall two feet in height. At the front 
are placed two uprights with a crossbar, upon which rest many 
poles terminating at the back on the summit of the wall. This 
is then covered over after the manner employed in building the 
winter hogan. 

The furniture of a Navaho house is exceedingly scant. 
Around the walls are to be found different forms of baskets, 
most of which they secure in barter from other tribes, chiefly 
the Utes, Hopi and Havasupai. In the hogan are usually to be 
found one or more rudely fashioned round-bottom earthen- 
ware vessels, used for cooking pur- 
poses. These, together with a few 
blankets, ordinarily make up the furni- 
ture of the house. Should the owner 
be a medicine-man or one of wealth, 
this list of furniture would be con- 
siderably extended. 

The routine life of the Navaho is 
largely concerned in the care of flocks 
and the gathering of crops. The sheep 
and goats must be constantly herded, 
while the shearing and preparing of 
the wool for the market or for the loom 
demands considerable attention. In a 
land where wood is not plentiful, gath- 
ering fuel plays a certain part in 
their routine life. For this purpose 
sage and greasewood are largely used. 

168 



Navaho Loom, -with Unfinished 
Blanket. 






Bedouins of the Desert. 



These occupations, together with the 
cultivation of the diminutive fields, 
form their chief pursuits. 

Many of the Navaho are expert 
silversmiths, and with rude appliances 
picked up on the outskirts of civiliza- 
tion they convert large quantities of 
Mexican money into beads, rosettes, 
buckles, necklaces, ear-rings, bracelets 
and finger-rings. Some of the men 
occupy themselves with the manufac- 
ture of shell beads, but most of these 
are obtained by barter from the Zuni 
or from the Pueblo people of the east. 

The great industry of the women is carding and spinning 
wool for its manufacture into blankets, of which many thou- 
sands are annually sold. Whether the Navaho women manu- 
facture baskets or not has been a disputed question. That 
they use many baskets in their domestic and ceremonial 
life is an undisputed fact; but that the Navaho women, except 
in few instances, actually manufacture baskets is not true. 
Their best known product is the so-called marriage basket, 
which, on account of its artistic workmanship and gracefulness 
of design, is much sought after for decorative purposes. The 
art of making pottery seems to be on the decline, the easy 
possibility of acquiring suitable vessels for cooking purposes 
from the trader, and the fact that the woman can spend her 
time to better profit in the manufacture of blankets, having 
rendered this form of service unprofitable. 

Very few white men, apart from those dwelling in the im- 
mediate vicinity, have ever witnessed any Navaho religious 
ceremonies. In fact, it is not generally known that there exist 
among the Navaho many important ceremonies, comparable 
in interest with those performed by the Hopi and other more 
sedentary Indians of the Southwest. These Navaho ceremonies 
differ from those of the Hopi, inasmuch as their performance is 
ostensibly to cure the sick, and they are in charge of shamans 
or medicine men. The occasion, therefore, of a ceremony is 
incident to the sickness of some individual of a well-to-do 
family. In this case the family and friends of the afflicted 



109 



determine the character of the ceremony to be held, whereupon 
the particular shaman capable of performing the ceremony is 
called ; after preliminary rites the ceremony begins. It is usually 
of nine days' duration. The earlier rites are secret, and are 
performed in a corral or lodge especially constructed for the pur- 
pose. On the conclusion of these secret rites there is, as a rule, 
a public performance, which may be witnessed without hin- 
drance. In one of the Navaho ceremonies described by Dr. 
Mathews there are interesting performances in connection with 
the swallowing of plumed arrows, and in connection with a 
great fire. The following abbreviated description from Dr. 
Mathews will give some idea of this curious performance, 
rivaled for its element of weirdness only by that of the Snake 
Dance: 

"The building of the great stack of wood which was to 
furnish the fire in the center of the corral on the last night 
went on simultaneously with the painting of the picture. In 
more secret spots in the rugged walls of a canyon, about half a 
mile from the medicine lodge, other shelters were erected, where 
visiting performers were to prepare themselves on the last night. 
Many young men were busy in the afternoon cutting down the 
trees and lopping off the branches which were to form the great 
corral (the ilnasjin, the dark circle of branches) on the next day. 
Some of the visiting women were busy grinding meal and 
attending to different household duties ; others played cards or 
engaged in the more aboriginal pastime of azilcil, a game played 
with three sticks and forty stones, the latter for counters. * * 
* On Tuesday the work in the lodge consisted in preparing 
certain properties to be used in the ceremonies of the night. 
These were the wands to be used in the first dance, the katso-- 
yiscan or great plumed arrows, and the trees which the dancers 
pretended to swallow. * * * At eight o'clock a band of 
musicians entered, sat down beside one of the small fires in the 
west, and began to make various vocal and instrumental noises 
of a musical character, which continued with scarcely any inter- 
ruption until the close of the dance in the morning. At the 
moment the music began the great central fire was lighted, 




Navaho Chicken Catching Contest. 



and the conflagration spread so rapidly 
through the entire pile that in a few 
moments it was enveloped in great flames. 
A storm of sparks flew upward to the 
height of a hundred feet or more, and 
the descending ashes fell in the corral 
like a light shower of snow. The heat 
was soon so intense that in the remotest 
parts of the inclosure it was necessary 
for one to screen his face when he 
looked towards the fire. And now all 
was ready to test the endurance of the 
dancers who must expose, or seem to 
expose their naked breasts to the torrid 
glow. 

Wand Dance. — "When the fire gave 
out its most intense heat, a warning 
whistle was heard in the outer darkness, 
and a dozen forms, lithe and lean, 
dressed only in the narrow white breech- 
cloth and moccasins, and daubed with white earth until 
they seemed a group of living marble, came bounding through 
the entrance, yelping like wolves and slowly moving around 
the fire. As they advanced in single file they threw their bodies 
into divers attitudes — -some graceful, some strained and difficult, 
some menacing. Now they faced the east, now the south, 
the west, the north, bearing aloft their slender wands tipped with 
eagle down, holding and waving them with surprising effects. 
Their course around the fire was to the left, i. e., from the east 
to the west, byway of the south, and back again to the east by 
way of the north, a course taken by all the dancers of the night, 
the order never being reversed. When they had encircled the 
fire twice they began to thrust their wands toward it, and it 
soon became evident that their object was to burn off the tips 
of eagle down ; but owing to the intensity of the heat it was 
difficult to accomplish this, or at least they acted well the part 
of striving against such difficulty. One would dash wildly 
towards the fire and retreat ; another would lie as close to the 
ground as a frightened lizard and endeavor to wriggle himself 
up to the fire ; others sought to catch on their wands the sparks 

171 




Navaho Mother and Child 
on Horseback. 



flying in the air. One approached the flaming mass, sudden!}? 
threw himself on his back with his head to the fire, and swiftly 
thrust his wand into the flames. Many were the unsuccessful 
attempts ; but, at length, one by one, they all succeeded in burn- 
ing the downy balls from the ends of their wands. As each 
accomplished this feat it became his next duty to restore the 
ball of down. The mechanism of this trick has been described, 
but the dancer feigned to produce the wonderful result by merely 
waving his wand up and -down as he continued to run around 
the fire. When he succeeded he held his wand up in triumph, 
yelped and rushed out of the corral. The last man pretended to 
have great difficulty in restoring the down. When at last he 
gave his triumphant yell and departed it was ten minutes to 
nine." 

Plumed Arrow Dance. — "After an interval of three- 
quarters of an hour, the dance of the great plumed arrow, the 
potent healing ceremony of the night, began. There were but two 
performers. * * * Each bore in his hand one of the great 
plumed arrows. While they were making the usual circuits 
around the fire, the patient was placed sitting on a buffalo robe 
in front of the orchestra. They halted before the patient; 
each dancer seized his arrow between his thumb and forefinger 
about eight inches from the tip, held the arrow up to view, 
giving a coyote-like yelp, as if to say, 'So far will I swallow it,' 
and then appeared to thrust the arrow slowly and painfully 

down his throat as far as indicated. 

| While the arrows seemed still to be stuck 
in their throats, they danced a chasse, 
I right and left, with short, shuffling steps, 
j Then they withdrew the arrows, and held 
I them up to view as before, with triumphant 
| yelps, as if to say, ' So far have I swallowed 
I it.' Sympathizers in the audience yelped 
I in response. The next thing to be done 
j was to apply the arrows. One of the 
I dancers advanced to the patient, and to 
j the soles of the feet of the latter he 
I pressed the magic weapon with its point 
j to the right, and again with its point 
s to the left. In a similar manner he treated 




the knees, hands, abdomen, back, shoulders, 
crown and month in the order named, giving 
three coyote-like yelps after each applica- 
tion." * * 

Hoshkawn Dance. — "It was after one 
o'clock in the morning when the dance of the 
hoshkawn (Yucca baccata) began. The cere- 
mony was conducted in the first part by 
twenty-two persons in ordinary dress. One 
bore, exposed to view, a natural root of yucca, 
crowned with its cluster of root leaves, which 
remain green all winter. The rest bore in their 
hands wands of pinon. Whatever properties 
they may have had concealed under their 
blankets the reader will soon be able to con- 
jecture. On their third journey around the 
fire they halted in the west and formed a 
close circle for the purpose of concealing 
their operations, such as was made in the 
eighth dance. After a minute spent in 
singing and many repetitions of ' Thohay,' the 




circle opened, disclosing to our view the Navaho Mother with Child. 
yucca root planted in the sand. Again the 
circle closed; again the song, the rattle, and the chorus of 
' Thohay was heard, and when the circle was opened the second 
timel an excellent counterfeit of the small budding flower 
stalk|was seen amid the fascicle of leaves. A third time the 
dancers formed their ring of occultation ; after the song and 
din had continued for a few seconds the circle parted for 
the third time, when, all out of season, the great panicle of 
creamy yucca flowers gleamed in the firelight. The previous 
transformations of the yucca had been greeted with approv- 
ing shouts of laughter; the blossoms were hailed with 
storms of applause. For the fourth and last time the circle 
closed, and when again it opened the blossoms had disappeared 
and the great, dark green fruit hung in abundance from the 
pedicels." * * * 

Fire Play. — "The eleventh dance was the fire dance, or 
fire play, which was the most picturesque and startling of all. 
* * * Every man except the leader bore a long, thick bundle 



173 



Herd of Navaho Ponies. 



of shredded cedar bark in each hand and one had two extra 
bundles on his shoulders for the later use of the leader. The 
latter carried four small fagots of the same material in his hands. 
Four times they all danced around the fire, waving their bundles 
of bark toward it. They halted in the east ; the leader advanced 
towards the central fire, lighted one of his fagots, and trumpeting 
loudly threw it to the east over the fence of the corral. He 
performed a similar act at the south, at the west, and at the 
north; but before the northern brand was thrown he lighted 
with it the bark bundles of his comrades. As each brand dis- 
appeared over the fence some of the spectators blew into their 
hands and made a motion as if tossing some substance after 
the departing flame. When the fascicles were all lighted the 
whole band began a wild race around the fire. At first they 
kept close together and spat upon one another some substance 
of supposed medicinal virtue. Soon they scattered and ran 
apparently without concert, the rapid racing causing the brands 
to throw out long brilliant streamers of flame over the hands and 
arms of the dancers. Then they proceeded to apply the brands 
to their own nude bodies and to the bodies of their comrades 
in front of them, no man ever once turning around; at times 
the dancer struck his victim vigorous blows with his naming 
wand; again he seized the flame as if it were a sponge, and, 
keeping close to the one pursued, rubbed the back of the latter 
for several moments, as if he were bathing him. In the mean- 
time the sufferer would perhaps catch up with some one in front 
of him and in turn bathe him in flame. At times when a dancer 
found no one in front of him he proceeded to sponge his own 
back, and might keep this up while making two or three circuits 
around the fire or until he caught up with someone else. At 

174 



each application of the blaze the loud trumpeting was heard, 
and it often seemed as if a great flock of cranes was winging its 
way overhead southward through the darkness. If a brand 
became extinguished it was lighted again in the central fire; 
but when it was so far consumed as to be no longer held con- 
veniently in the hand, the dancer dropped it and rushed, trum- 
peting, out of the corral. Thus, one by one, they all departed. 
When they were gone many of the spectators came forward, 
picked up some of the fallen fragments of cedar bark, lighted 
them, and bathed their hands in the flames as a charm against 
the evil effects of fire." 

That such elaborate ceremonies should be performed solely 
for the curing of the sick seems hardly credible. It appears 
that in connection with the value of these ceremonies is the idea 
of a more general benefit. Nor are invocations for the success 
of the crops and for the increase of the herds omitted. In all 
these nine days' ceremonies there also is present the element 
of the dramatization of great cosmic myths, thereby perpetuat- 
ing the religious symbolism of the tribe. During the public 
performance especially, the occasion is made a time of sociable 
reunion. 

Obviously, owing to the very nature of the ceremonies 
(inasmuch as their performance is not on stated occasions but 
dependent upon the will of certain individuals) , it is not possible 
to give even approximate dates when they may be seen. While 
occasionally it may be possible to see a ceremony in summer, 
the likelihood of witnessing it is much greater in winter, the 
season when there is no thunderstorm, and when the rattle- 
snakes are asleep. 

Those who are 
desirous of seeing 
the art of weaving 
perpetuated among 
the Navaho women 
should encourage 
the manufacture of 
the better grade 
blankets, and espe- 
cially of the use of 
the native and more 




Xayaho Family Before Winter Hogan. 




Navaho Summer Shelter. 



durable dyes. The condition 
of the men may be helped by 
giving them the opportunity 
to work. They have proven on 
many occasions their ability to 
do manual labor, and have 
been employed successfully as 
day laborers. The home of 
the Navaho seems perfectly 
adapted, at any rate for the 
present, to his requirements; 
and his temporary structure, 
like that of the tipi of the Plains Indians, possesses one great 
advantage not possessed by the frame houses often thrust upon 
the Indians by well-meaning but thoughtless people; for the 
frequent removal of the Navaho, as of other Indians, from place 
to place is conducive to cleanliness and better life. That the 
power of the medicine-man among the Navaho should be cur- 
tailed there is no question. For while there can be no objection 
to the performance of purely religious ceremonies among any 
of the native tribes of America, there is an objection to the 
entrusting of the life of a person to the nine day performance 
of a shaman and his assistants, as is the case in this particular 
tribe. Remove this power of the shaman and give the Navaho 
work and see to it that his pasture lands are not encroached upon, 
and he will work out his own salvation without the assistance 
of higher education or donations of cast-off clothing. Such as 
wish to know the Navaho intimately should visit the reserva- 
tion in the winter and should be prepared to spend, not days 
but weeks or months, roaming from hogan to hogan, where they 
may always be sure of a welcome. 




176 



CHAPTER XVI 




The Apache 

Mescalero, Jicarilla and White Mountain Bands — Home Life and Industries 
— San Carlos 

HE Apache are conveniently divided into the 
Eastern and Western bands. The former in- 
cludes the Jicarilla and Mescalero Apache. The 
Western bands comprise the Coyotero, Pinal, 
Aravaipa, Chiricahua and others. 

For many years previous to 1872, both the 
Eastern and Western bands of these fierce and 
warlike people gave endless trouble to the United 
States authorities. By force of arms and treaties, in that year, 
however, they were settled on reservations in New Mexico 
and Arizona — in 1887 the Jicarilla in northwestern New Mexico ; 
in 1883 the Mescalero in central New Mexico; between 1871 
and 1877 the Western bands upon the White Mountain 
and San Carlos Reservations. As the Arizona Apache 
are more numerous and better known, they will be considered 
in greater detail than the New Mexican Apache. 

Mescalero Apache 

The reservation of this tribe, which numbers nearly 
four hundred and fifty, is easily reached from Tularosa on 
the El Paso & Northeastern Railway. It is about one 




hundred miles from El Paso, and contains 475,000 acres of land, 
of which only a portion is cultivable. Much of the reservation 
is made up of rugged mountains, on whose sides are forests of 
pine, cedar ,*pifion, fir and oak, with intervening valleys containing 
fine pastures. At the base of the mountains are copious springs. 
Antelope, deer and wild turkey are abundant. Necessarily 
little attention is paid to farming. The Mescalero possess 
cattle, horses, sheep and mules. The tribe is divided into two 
clans, each with its chieftain. They manufacture baskets of 
willow, large numbers of which they exchange with their Mexi- 
can neighbors and sell to collectors. Ceremonial dances of four 
days' duration are frequently held. At death, all the effects 
of the deceased are burned. Among them, the medicine-man 
has lost his prestige. Upon their aboriginal religious ideas 
have been grafted some notions acquired from the Mexican 
religion. At an early day, these people were most difficult 
to subdue, making raids continually upon their neighbors, and 
harboring for a time the hard pressed members of other Apache 
bands. 

Jicarilla Apache 

The Jicarilla number over eight hundred persons and occupy 
a reservation in northern New Mexico, adjoining the southeast 
corner of the Southern Ute Reservation in Colorado. It is 
easily reached from Dulce, on the Denver & Rio Grande 
Railway. It is thirty- four miles long from north to 
south, and twenty- two miles from east to west, 
containing 416,000 acres, mostly suitable for graz- 
ing. On the low hills and mesas is excellent pine 
timber, the inner bark of which is used by the 
Jicarilla in several different ways. Stock-raising 
and basket-making are their chief occupations. 

The tribe is divided into three bands, each 
having a chief, under a head chief chosen at a joint 
meeting of the three bands. They are small of 
stature and sinewy. With them, as among the 
other Apache, "tiswin" a drink manufactured from 
fermented corn, is consumed in considerable quan- 
tities. They are inveterate gamblers, principally 
playing cards and pitching quoits, using in the 





Apache Girl. 



latter game, instead of rings, a pointed stick thrown at 
a mark upon the ground. Men and women alike use tobacco. 
Marriage is performed in the usual Apache fashion. Mother- 
in-law and son-in-law never speak. Polygamy is practiced 
by chiefs and wealthy men. At the birth of a child it is given 
a name in keeping with some event occurring at the time. Its 
name is known only to itself and its parents until marriage, 
when it is told to the second party in the contract. It 
is said that these Indians make a secret disposal of their dead, 
as do the Southern Utes of Colorado. After death the relatives 
cut their hair and cease painting their faces for a time. Pork 



Mormon Village of Showlow. 

and fowls are tabooed. Their dances are not numerous, the 
principal one occurring in the spring. Witchcraft still lingers 
among them, and the services of the medicine-man are resorted 
to in cases of sickness. They prefer to live in tents. 

White Mountain Apache 

The White Mountain Apache Reservation, lying in east 
central Arizona, is reached by a daily stage from Holbrook to 
Fort Apache, a distance of ninety-six miles. The trip is made 
without stop except for change of horses at stage stations, 

179 



where meals can be procured. Leaving Holbrook about three 
o'clock in the afternoon Fort Apache is reached at eight the 
next morning, the fare for the round trip being fifteen dollars. 
A far pleasanter journey can be made by a private conveyance 
from the livery stable at Holbrook. A carriage seating four 
persons and driver costs $5 a day. Meals and lodging en route 
about $2 a day. Leaving early in the afternoon, Snowflake, 
on Silver Creek, thirty miles distant, is reached in time for 
supper at a good hotel. This little Mormon settlement is 
regularly laid out, with running water through the streets. 
The houses are built of brick, and the village presents an air of 
thrift. 

Resuming the journey after breakfast, Taylor and Shum- 
way, two small but prosperous Mormon hamlets, four and 
eight miles distant, are passed. Between Shumway and 
Showlow, twenty miles from Snowflake, one first encounters 
that vast region of igneous rock extending from the San Fran- 
cisco Mountains to Mount Taylor on the southeast. Lava 
beds three thousand feet in thickness are found in the vicinity 
of Thomas Peak just off the reservation. Greens Peak, in the 
extreme northeast corner of the reservation, is the center of an 
extended basalt area. At Showlow Mr. Adams feeds the hungry 
man in good western style. 

Beyond Showlow, pines appear and beneath their shade 
one rides to the summit of the divide near Pinetop, a distance 




In Pine Forest, On the Way to Fort Apache. 




of fourteen miles. Below this hamlet, amid the 
pines, in a beautiful park-like valley 7,650 feet above 
the level of the sea, lives genial Colonel Cooley, 
famous as a guide and scout in Apache warfare. 
The evening is pleasantly spent in listening to tales 
of a life of twenty-five years among the Apache. 

A drive next morning of twenty miles, through 
a portion of Black Canyon and along the west bank 
of the North Fork, brings you to Whiteriver Agency. 
Here excellent accommodations may be obtained at 
the home of the Government agent. From the agency 
a short drive of four miles brings you to Fort Apache, 
a picturesque military post on the south bank of White 
River, where several hundred soldiers are stationed. 

The White Mountain Apache Reservation is ninety- 
five miles long from north to south and seventy miles 
wide from east to west. It contains 2,528,000 acres. 
The northern portion is drained by the Salt River, 
with several tributaries emptying into the Gila River. 
These are fed by the melting snows from the AL-cl 
upper mountain ranges. Along their banks are small areas 
producing abundantly when irrigated. Within the reserva- 
tion have been gathered at various times the Coyotero, Pinal, 
Aravaipa, Chiricahua, and other western bands, along with the 
White Mountain Apache. At an elevation varying from three 
to eleven thousand feet, we find cactus, yucca, agave, grease- 
wood, sage brush, cedars, pines and firs, and a plant life varying 
from the semi-tropical to the sub-Alpine. Bear, deer and 
wild turkey are abundant upon the mountain slopes. The 
tributaries of the North Fork teem with trout. Along the 
streams, in groups, are the "campos" of the various bands, 
each with its petty chief, and designated, for the convenience 
of the Indian agent, by a letter of the alphabet. There are 
about 1,850 Apache at Whiteriver Agency, and 2,900 at the 
San Carlos Agency. 

The various bands have intermarried to some extent. A 
few white men and Mexicans have married Apache women. 

Basket-making is the principal industry among the women, 
two kinds being produced. The bowl-like basket tsa, and the 
tus, "sewed water jugs." The coils of these baskets are made 



181 



of either cottonwood or willow. The wrap- 
ping of the coil is always cottonwood. Ex- 
cellently woven burden-baskets are also 
made. These are ornamented in colored 
zones, their bases being protected by buck- 
skin, with four strips of the same material 
extending from the bottom to the rim. They 
also make water vessels of bottle form. The 
bush of the squaw-berry is invariably used 
for this purpose. Some makers of these ves- 
sels fill the interstices with the crushed 
berries of the cedar before coating them 
with the pirion gum. The black designs in 
the sewed basketry are made from the pod of 
*a species of Martynia. Occasionally very 
rude baskets are woven of green yucca, the 
designs in them being made of roots of the 
A pache Scout at Home. Spanish bayonet. 

Their houses or "campos" are of a low, 
oval form, of height sufficient to allow one to stand erect in 
the center. They are made of poles thrust into the ground 
and drawn together at the top. With these, twigs and grasses 
are interlaced and very frequently huge pieces of canvas 
are stretched over them. Houses of the rectangular form, 
not unlike those occasionally found among the Navaho, are 
sometimes seen. These dwellings are usually located along 
the streams in the vicinity of fields. During the winter 
season many withdraw to the timber, where houses are con- 
structed from heavier materials. Water in such localities is 
procurable only from melting snows during the winter season. 
Where lumber can be had, rude houses or sheds are now 
being made by the Indians. 

Beneath the sloping edges of the "campos" are placed the 
various house furnishings. In the center is a fireplace, hollowed 
out of the ground, the smoke escaping through an aperture 
in the roof. The household utensils are few in number. Saddle 
bags made of rawhide, of rectangular form and fringed at 
the ends, usually contain the most valuable and less-used per- 
sonal effects. These saddle bags are used for storage purposes 
at home or for pack purposes on the march. Blankets and 

182 





skins, rolled up when not in use, fur- 
nish bedding for the household. At 
meal time the Apache sit about the 
vessels containing their food, helping 
themselves at will. When not thus 
engaged, they lounge about the 
"campos." Huge gourds, often pro- 
vided with a neck of basketry, are 
sometimes used for the storage of 
water about the house. Occasionally 
decorated gourd dippers are found. 
These are highly prized and are dif- 
ficult to obtain. Small circular mortars 
of malapais are used in preparing 
paints. Upper and lower mealing 
stones of the same material are used 
in grinding coffee, crushing berries and 

roots for food purposes. The fire drill is occasionally used. 
The lower stick is made from the stock of the Spanish bayonet, 
the upper one of greasewood. 

Formerly, the men's dress consisted of a loin-cloth and 
buckskin moccasins. The moccasins have a hard sole, curving 
upward above the toe for protection against thorns and cacti. 
The better moccasins have exceedingly long "uppers," reaching 
to the thighs, and thus serve as a protection to the legs. Com- 
monly, however, they are worn in three or four folds, reaching 
only to the knee. As the lower portion is worn out they are 
drawn down, until from wear, a moccasin formerly reaching the 
thighs barely covers the ankles. The moccasins are often 
sparingly decorated with painted designs and beadwork. 
Those entirely covered with beads are made merelv for trade. 



ley, former Sc 
Gen. Crook. 



mt under 




On the Road to Apache Reservation 



Men and women wear their moccasins interchangeably. When 
more completely equipped, they formerly wore over one shoulder 
a buckskin, which was tied beneath the arm on the opposite 
side. 

The women wore on ceremonial occasions a short buckskin 
shirt or waist, with V-shaped openings at the neck. About the 
yoke were designs in variously colored beads, usually red, 
white and black. Below these were one or two rows of tin 
pendants, either in rows or groups. Upon the open sides of 
these shirts or waists and extending over the shoulder was an 
applique design of red flannel. Occasionally brass buttons, 
of which they are fond, were used in their ornamentation. 
The buckskin skirts worn with them were very heavy. About 
the upper portion was a long fringe, and near the bottom 
two rows of fringe with tin pendants. The portion of the dress 
below these pendants was often painted with yellow ocher. At 
the bottom were fringes with tin pendants attached. 

Men and women wear necklaces of many-colored beads; 
some consist of many strands of beads hanging loosely upon 
the breast, others a flat band of beads in diamond-shaped 
designs. The women wear ear-rings with several strings of 
variously colored beads attached. Bead bracelets are worn 
by both men and women. Copper, brass and iron wire, variously 
ornamented, is also utilized for this purpose. Maidens wear 
upon their back hair a highly prized ornament of leather, in 




Camp of Al-che-say, Apache Scout. 



U. S. Paymaster's Stage, En Route to Fort Apache. 

the form of a figure eight, more or less heavily decorated with 
brass buttons. Ornaments consisting of two or more feathers 
from the tail of the eagle are attached by buckskin thongs to 
the hair of the men, or are worn upon their hats. In times of 
mourning the hair is cut squarely off around the head and stands 
in a disheveled mass. 

The faces of men and women alike are frequently tattooed 
among the Apache. The center of the forehead and the chin 
are most frequently covered with geometrical designs of a dark 
blue color. Occasionally a design upon the forehead is pro- 
duced downward to the end of the nose. 

Acorns, sunflower seeds, pine nuts, willow buds, walnuts, 
juniper berries, mesquite beans, and mescal are eaten. The 
meat of the deer and wild turkey is a favorite article of food. 
Fish and fishing birds are not eaten. The mescal is used in 
various ways. At maturity, while the flower stock is still 
tender, the "cabbage" is cut and placed upon a pile of rocks 
highly heated, covered with bear grass, over which earth is 




Freighting from Holbrook to Fort A pache. 




A pache Ring and Javelin Game. 

heaped. After twenty-four hours the bear grass and earth are 
removed, leaving a pulpy mass which contains a syrup of the 
consistency of molasses. This portion of the plant is very highly 
esteemed. They also crush together mescal and ripe black 
walnuts, over which they pour water, making a dish of mush- 
like consistency. The more fibrous portions are bruised, formed 
into thin cakes and preserved for future use. Squaw-berries 
are crushed and, with meat, form a dish which they greatly 
relish. From an early day the Apache have possessed, in small 
quantities, corn and melons. 

Their game is secured by means of the bow and arrow and 
traps. Their bows are from four to five feet long, backed with 
sinew most carefully placed. The arrows consist of a reed-like 
shaft, a hardwood foreshaft, with a tip of flint, obsidian or 
chalcedony. The quivers are made of tanned deer- skin or the 
skin of the mountain lion, with the tail hanging downward. 

The weapons of the Apache are the bow and arrow, spear 
and war club. They made use of poisoned arrows, which were 
thrust into the liver of a deer that had been bitten by a rattle- 
snake. The war club consists of an oval boulder encased in 
raw hide, with handle attached. The spear has a long wooden 
shaft, to which has been cleverly hafted by means of the skin of 
a cow's tail, a sword-blade, bayonet or other iron object of sim- 
ilar form. The Apache say that "long time ago" they con- 
stantly wore about their waists lariats of horse hair, which 
they wielded with considerable effect in entangling an enemy. 

186 



Like all other Indians, the Apache are great gamblers. 
The women play the stave game {tsay-dithl) or throw sticks. 
Three two-faced billets are used, from eight to ten inches long. 
Within a circle of stones five feet in diameter the staves are 
thrown upon a rock in the center so as to cause them to rebound, 
and as they fall, fiat or round faces upward, the throw counts 
from one to ten. Whoever first scores forty points wins. 
Both men and women play the stave game (haeegohay), using 
four two-faced staves. One stave of different markings from 
the rest is called the man; the remaining three, women. The 
count varies according as the staves fall. The men play 
naashosli, a variety of the ring and javelin game. Spanish 
cards are constantly used. Occasionally, at a great expense of 
time, they have made sets of playing cards of horse hide, with 
Mexican designs. 

Very soon after birth the child is put into its cradle, which 
consists of a board made of slats, with a hood of the same or 
lighter material. When once a child has been placed in a cradle, 
it must thereafter occupy no other. Polygamy prevails, with 
certain restrictions. Very often a man marries his wife's 
younger sisters as fast as they mature; or, if she has none, he 
marries among the members of her clan, to prevent the women 
from fighting among themselves. If a man marries his brother's 
widow, he must do so within a year, or she is free to look else- 
where for a mate. Most marriages still take place in the Apache 
fashion; that is, by purchase. 

At death adults are usually interred beneath the ground or 
in clefts of rocks, in either case being given considerable cover- 
ing of earthly material. Children are frequently buried in trees, 



the body being enveloped in cloth- 
ing and blankets and placed upon 
a platform of sticks among the 
branches. 

Any young man can enter the 
ranks of the medicine-men among 
the Apache if endowed with the 
requisite natural gifts. Apparently 
there is no fixed tenet or doctrine 
among the medicine-men. Each fol- 
lows his own inclinations, invents 
his own symbolism. They indulge 
in no intoxicating decoctions. 

The use of charms is wide. 
Beads of lightning-riven rock and 
charms made from the wood of a lightning-riven tree are 
especially powerful in the cure of disease and protection from 
evil. Stone beads obtained from the graves and ruined pueblos 
exert powerful protective influences. Charms of various kinds 
purchased from the medicine-man afford great protection. 
The symbolism portrayed upon the medicine shirts is little 
known. The figures of Gans are usually present. The lightning, 
whose awful power they revere, is also depicted; the storm 
cloud is occasionally found upon them, also designs representing 
the four winds and the four world-quarters. 




Uncle Sam's A pache Scouts. 




Of the three forms of 
musical instruments made by 
the Apache, the most inter- 
esting is a violin ( ' ' singing 
wood"), consisting of a hollow 
cylinder with a single sinew 
string and a small bow pro- 
vided with horse hair. Their 
drums, usually improvised for 
the occasion, consist of a 
deer-skin head tightly 
stretched over an iron pot, 
galvanized iron bucket or 
other convenient vessel. 



These drums are always par- 
tially filled with water when 
An Apache Cupid. i n use. They are beaten with 

a stick having a loop at 
one end. Three kinds of dances are indulged in, namely, 
the ordinary social function, in which the men and women take 
part, the so-called Devil's Dance and the Medicine Dance. 

Early writers describe the Apache as being about five feet 
and five inches high, slimly built and agile, light-hearted, but 
subject to fits of superstition and timidity. Very often, how- 
ever, one may see among them men ranging above six feet in 
height and finely proportioned. The reputation for ferocity 
and cunning, honestly acquired by one or two bands of the 
Apache, should not be imposed upon the entire tribe, as is too 
often done, for no tribe of the great Southwest has been as 
grossly maligned as the Apache. 




A Party of Apache. 



San Carlos Agency 

The San Carlos Agency of the White Mountain Apache Reser- 
vation is situated on a mesa immediately below the junction 
of the San Carlos with the Gila River, about thirty miles south- 
east of Globe, on the Gila Valley, Globe & Northern Railway, 
and about ninety miles north of Bowie on the same line. 

Many stories are told of the encounters of the Apache with 
the Pima and Maricopa, and many localities between their 
respective reservations are pointed out by knowing ones as 
scenes of fierce battles between the peaceful Pima and the 
plundering Apache. In this vicinity was enacted the horrible 
massacre by the Apache of several members of the Oatman 
family, in 1851 , and the captivity of Olive Oatman, who remained 
a captive for a year or more and was then sold to the Mohave 
Indians, by whom she was held until 1856. It was at San Carlos 
that Mr. Augustus Thomas secured the local coloring for his 
realistic and admirable play, "Arizona." 




191 



Havasupai Summer Shelter, Cataract Canyon. 




San Xavier Mission and Indian School 




Tribes of the Yuman and Piman StocKs. 



How Reached — Havasupai — Walapai — Mohave — Chemehuevi — Maricopa 
— Yuma — Apache -Yuma — Pima — Papago 

HE Navaho and Apache are late arrivals in the 
desert ; the Pueblo peoples have been forced into 
the desert by warlike foes, but the tribes now 
to be considered seem to form an intrinsic 
element in the barren, sun-scorched plains of the 
Southwest ; they are true desert people. To 
visit all of them necessitates four journeys of 
considerable length. It may be stated here, 
however, that should one desire to visit all the tribes about 
to be described, the route would be westward from Winslow, 
Arizona, on the Santa Fe to The Needles, stopping en route at 
Williams for the Havasupai and at Hackberry for the Walapai. 
At The Needles the Mohave could be visited in the immediate 
vicinity, or by boat down the Colorado River to the Mohave 
Reservation, the river journey being broken for a visit to the 
Chemehuevi. From The Needles the Santa Fe train is taken 
back to Ash Fork, where another train is taken for Phcenix. 
From this city the Pima and Maricopa on the Salt River Reser- 
vation may be visited. From Phcenix the route is to Maricopa, 
near which is the Gila River Reservation, also occupied by Pima. 
From Maricopa the journey is west to the Colorado River at 
Yuma, where the reservation of the Yuma is located, stopping on 
the way at Gila Bend for the western branch of the Papago. 
From Yuma the return is made east as far as Tucson for the 
remaining Papago. 

193 
I 
I 

1 



Yuman Stock 



HAVASUPAI 

The beautiral home of this little band of two hundred and 
fifty Indians is easily reached by a branch of the Santa Fe from 
Williams to Coconino, fifty-seven miles due north, en route to 
the head of Bright Angel Trail, Grand Canyon. The distance 
from Coconino to the Havasupai village is forty miles, covered 
in eight hours by private conveyance, part of the way in a 
team, which can be had at Coconino, the remainder on horse- 
back down a steep trail ; or one may continue through to Bright 
Angel by train and start from there overland. The cost of 
the four days' round trip, including wagon, meals, lodging, 
guides, etc., will be about thirty-five to fifty dollars each person. 

This tribe is allied to the Walapai, their near neighbors on 
the west, and speak the same language with slight variation of 
dialect. Their village is romantically situated in Cataract Can- 
yon, about one hundred miles north of Williams, Arizona, sur- 
rounded by crags, cliffs and mountains. There are beautiful 
falls of water over precipices of from one hundred to three 
hundred feet, and back of the falls are caves and grottos 
glistening with the stalactites and stalagmites that adorn their 
roofs and floors. 

The Havasupai have kindly traits of character, are hospitable 
and show a willingness to oblige. Living as they do, in a deep 
canyon remote from the whites, few changes are wrought from 
year to year. Corn, melons, pumpkins and peaches grow in pro- 
fusion and with little effort on the part of the cultivators. 

While the Havasupai woman may not be regarded as excep- 
tionally proficient in the art of basket-making, she has at least the 
distinction of being the only one to cook 
meat, seeds and mush in coiled willow trays 
lined with clay. The food to be cooked or 
parched is placed inside of the tray together 
with glowing wood coals, and, by a rapid 
motion of the basket up and down, the 
substance to be cooked and the coals are 
constantly shifting places. The embers are 
kept glowing and the food free from ashes 
by blowing. 

194 




Havasupai Girl. 



The baskets made by Havasupai women are 
principally of three forms. One is the burden 
or carrying basket, conical in shape, of unsplit 
willow, with two horse hair loops on opposite 
sides for the fastening of a forehead band 
which supports the basket while resting against 
the back. Seeds, fruits, berries, etc., are gathered 
in these baskets. A second form is the shallow 
bowl-like tray, in which foods are mixed and 
prepared for cooking as described above. Then 
they make a water bottle of willow, with an 
inner and outer coating of pinon pitch, thus 
rendering the bottle water-tight. It has bulg- 
ing sides and pointed top and bottom and is 
carried upon the back, supported by means of 
a head band across the forehead. 



Havasu 



WALAPAI 

This reservation is situated in Mohave and Coconino counties, 
Arizona, the postoffice being Truxton, at which place passen- 
gers alight upon notification to the conductor, or at the regular 
stop, Hackberry, the nearest town, ten miles distant. The 
arrival of west-bound trains at Hackberry is at such a time 
that arrangements can easily be made for a drive to the Truxton 
Canyon Training School, the headquarters of the industrial 
teacher in charge of the reservation, in ample time for supper. 
Accommodation of a limited nature may be had at Hackberry, 
there being families who will gladly provide such as they can. 
Application for such information may be had of the Hackberry 
station agent. 

The Walapai is a hardy, mountain-dwelling Indian and is 
a natural horseman, taking to the pursuit of stock-raising most 
naturally and easily. 

They have not been to any extent corrupted by contact 
with civilization. Efforts are being made to induce them to 
adopt progressive methods of farming, and to encourage this 
agricultural implements have been given them. 

Basketry is the only important art to be found among them. 
The work in this industry shows ability, the most common forms 
being the water bottle, made of split and unsplit and peeled 

195 




Topocobya Trail to Havasupai Village. 



and unpeeled willows, and 
covered with a coating in- 
side and out of pinon gum, 
making the jug durable 
and water-tight. These 
bottles are carried on the 
back supported across the 
forehead by means of a 
band. Other forms of 
basket-making common 
to the Walapai are the 
carrying or gathering 
baskets, and the roasting tray. The carrying or gathering 
basket is usually large and conical, with considerable capacity. 
Seeds of grass, fruit of the cactus, and many kinds of berries 
are gathered in these baskets. 

Their abodes are similar in most respects to those of many 
other Indians of the Southwest. The houses resemble, as a 
rule, an inverted bowl, and consist of bent boughs with a layer 
of brush, over which is placed an outer covering of canvas 
obtained from the Government. 

The women are usually dressed in calico gowns, over which 
they wear a mantle consisting of four large red cotton handker- 
chiefs with large floral or animal designs, the edges of which 
form a large cross on the back. The men have adopted the 
costume of the white man. 

MOHAVE 

These interesting Indians, numbering in all about two 
thousand, are to be found in three localities, the majority being 
located on the Mohave or Colorado River Reservation. There 
are, however, many at The Needles, while a few are found near 
old' Fort Mohave. Fort Mohave, beautifully situated eighteen 
miles north of The Needles, is now a Government Indian School. 
At The Needles is to be found a Harvey eating house, where 
arrangements may be readily made for a drive to the school. 
Here one can usually find accommodations extended by the 
official in charge. The return trip to The Needles may be made 
more easily by boat with competent Mohave Indians as oarsmen 
and pilots, in about three hours. The scenery is beautiful, the 

196 



j 



Colorado winding its way through a broad valley, its course 
being apparent from the large cottonwood trees along its banks. 

The only practicable way of reaching the Mohave Reservation 
at Parker, Yuma county, Arizona, the agency headquarters, is 
by rowboat under the management of Mohave Indians, or by 
a steamboat, from The Needles, a distance of about one hundred 
miles. In the summer season the trip down from The Needles 
can usually be made in one day, but from October ist to April 
ist two days are required. It is possible to get to and from the 
reservation by horseback or team from Yuma, the distance 
being about two hundred miles. The journey from The Needles 
is of great beauty and of ever-changing interest. 

The Mohave are good natured, peaceable, industrious and 
generous to a great degree. The men are tall and finely pro- 
portioned, very few of them being below six feet in height. Their 
features are rather regular, their eyes large, and shaded by long 
lashes. The men take pride in the care of their hair, which is 
allowed to hang loose down the back. The women wear their 
hair shorter than the men. It is brushed down the back and is 
cut straight across the forehead near the eyebrows. They are 
invariably short in stature and always have happy faces. Both 
men and women delight in wearing upon their necks coils of 
blue and white beads. Shoes and hats are seldom worn. Both 
sexes more or less elaborately paint the face in bright colors. 

Gambling is their most common vice. It is no uncommon 
thing for them to stake and lose every article of their wearing 
apparel after the loss of their money. Their homes are rude 
shacks, simply grass-covered sheds for summer, and in winter 
mud huts. They sleep upon the ground, pro- 
tected from the cold, surrounding a small fire 
in the center of the lodge. 

They are deficient in the arts. In the mak- 
ing of pottery, however, they display patience, 
judgment and artistic taste. Ollas, bowls and 
dippers are made in different forms and sizes. 
In the manufacture of toy dolls of clay they dis- 
play considerable ingenuity. Natural hair is 
fastened to the head, bead necklaces are placed 
around the necks and the faces are painted. " / ( ; ^ 

Many of these articles, together with their '*• r' 

197 >Y> ' 

Pima Boy 





beautiful beadwork and gaily 
decorated bows and arrows, 
are offered for sale to passen- 
gers at The Needles. 



This little band, a branch 
of the southern Paiute and of 
Shoshonean stock, number 
about two hundred, and are 
apparently decreasing. They 
live in the Chemehuevi valley 
about forty miles south of The 
Needles, a short distance 



CHEMEHUEVI 



Maricopa Men. 



above the Colorado River Reservation at Parker, and hence may 
be easily visited on the journey to the Mohave. They build 
good houses, as a rule dress better than the Mohave, and speak 
some Spanish and English. Many of the men are engaged at 
work on the railroad, others at farming. The women are expert 
basket-makers, but owing to their reduced number only a few 
of the excellent baskets made by them are seen in any num- 
bers elsewhere than at The Needles, where they are offered 
for sale to passengers. Their locality is so isolated from civili- 
zation that but very few visit it. 



The Maricopa Indians came from the Yuma tribe on the 
Colorado River and settled in a village about eight miles below 
Sacaton, Arizona, where they became friendly with the Pima, 
whom they assisted in fighting the Apache. Because of lack 
of water for irrigating purposes, however, they left their reserva- 
tion and went to the Salt River Reservation on the south bank 
of the Salt River, near Phoenix, Arizona, where they now live. 
They number about three hundred, and are rapidly decreasing. 
In appearance they differ from the Pima, being taller and more 
muscular, and having aquiline noses. Both sexes have readily 
adopted the dress of the whites. The hair is parted in the 
middle and combed back, and is usually worn long by both sexes, 
but the men have been encouraged to cut their hair short and 



MARICOPA 



'198 



wear hats. Their homes, to a very large extent, are curved 
thatched huts of saplings and brush, typical of the tribes of the 
Piman and Yuman stocks. 

The Maricopa are monogamists, having but one wife at a 
time. The marriage tie, however, is not very binding. They 
are cremationists, and formerly burned all the belongings of 
the deceased with the body. The latter custom has been 
abandoned through official influence, as it kept the members 
of the tribe in a continual state of poverty. 

Like the Pima, the Maricopa make very fine basket trays of 
willow with black designs. Pottery, in various forms of burned 
red clay, decorated with a glossy black, is also made, in con- 
siderable quantities. Merit is shown in both of these industries. 

YUMA 

The Yuma's country embraces a portion of San Diego 
county, California. It extends sixty miles below and fifteen 
miles above Fort Yuma, which is now an Indian school and 
the reservation headquarters, and is built upon the Calif ornian 
side of the Colorado river, opposite the town of Yuma. In 
full sight is Yuma City, with its quaint one-storied adobe 
structures, wide streets and gardens of semi-tropical vegetation. 

The Yuma are tall and magnificently proportioned. Their 
faces are pleasant. The women are generally plump in younger 
years, but break down rapidly with advancing age. The hands 
are small, but the feet are enlarged by tramping barefooted over 
the heated sands. At present, nearly all dress in "store clothes." 
Shoes and hats are seldom worn. The coarse, black hair is 
arranged in long fillets and treated with the gum of the mesquite 
tree, maintaining the glossy condition so highly prized by them. 
Feathers are fastened in the hair where they nutter with every 
movement. 

Owing to the mildness of the 
climate the dwellings are rudely 
put together. The winter house 
is built upon four or six cotton- 
wood poles partially buried in 
the earth. The tops are notch- 
ed, cross pieces inserted and the 
roof and sides neatly filled in 

i 



'Group of Pima Indians. 





Ptma Habitations. 



with interlaced twigs 
and brush. Dirt is 
thrown upon the top 
and adobe plastered 
over the sides. The 
summer house is 
nothing more than 
an arbor to protect 
them from the sun. 
Low semi-globular 
dwellings are made 



by thrusting willow saplings into the ground, which are brought 
together at the top. The exterior is covered with mesquite 
boughs. A small semi-circular opening serves as a door. As 
the rainfall is wholly insufficient for successful cultivation of 
crops, they are compelled to rely upon the overflow of the Colo- 
rado river, which usually takes place during spring. 

Like other Indians of the Colorado, the Yuma cremate their 
dead. The body is taken to the funeral pyre immediately after 
death. As the body is burning, offerings of clothing, food and 
other articles are thrown upon the fire. At one time the live 
stock of the deceased was also placed upon the pyre. The house 
and all of its belongings was thus destroyed. They say, "What 
is gone is dead, and why disturb the dead? Death is sadness, 
and that is what we aim to forget." 

Foot and horse racing, wrestling, swimming matches and 
other athletic sports are indulged in almost daily. Cards and 
aboriginal gambling games are common. The manufacture of 
pottery vessels of various forms and for various uses is their 
only prominent industry. 



Near the small town of Palomas in Yuma county, Arizona, 
on the Gila River, ninety miles west of Maricopa, is a small band 
of the so-called Apache- Yuma. They are non-reservation 
Indians, receiving no support whatever from the Government 
at the time the tribes of the Southwest were allotted reservations. 
At that time the Government placed these people upon the 
Yuma Reservation, where they became greatly discontented. 
They promised the Government if they were allowed to return 



APACHE-YUMA 



200 



to their former locality they would never ask or expect any 
assistance from the Government, a promise they have kept. 

It is thought by man}- that among these people baskets of 
finer construction, shapes and designs may be found than 
among any of the Indian tribes of Arizona ; though they are now 
being made wholly for sale. 



Piman Stock 

PIMA 

This interesting group of people is found on two reservations, 
known as the Salt River and the Gila River Reservations. The 
Salt River Reservation is easily reached by a short and pleasant 
drive over good roads through a picturesque country. The Gila 
River Reservation may be reached by train from Phoenix to 
Mesa City (fifteen miles) via Tempe, over the Maricopa, Phcenix 
& Salt River Valley R. R., daily, thence to the more populous 
part of the reservation by vehicle ; or by taking the train from 
Phoenix to Maricopa, thirty-four miles, over the railroad last 
mentioned. 

At Maricopa accommodation may be found at two good 
hotels, either one furnishing team and driver at a reasonable 
compensation for a drive to Sacaton, the reservation head- 
quarters and the Indian schools, pasing en route the famous 
Casa Grande ruin of the Gila. Here are the remains of three 
large edifices, one in a remarkable state of preservation, con- 
sidering its great antiquity and the adobe material of which its 
walls are composed. The earliest account of the Casa Grande 
ruins is that of Mangi, who visited them in company with Father 
Kino in 1694. The Avails at the base 
are four feet thick and composed of a 
concrete of mud and gravel, very hard 
and capable of long enduring the wear 
and tear of the seasons in this equable cli- 
mate. The tower or central part of the 
principal building is about forty feet high, 
and it is thought that there were originally 
four stories in the main body of the building. 

The Pima were occupying the valley of 
the Gila when the white man first saw them, 

201 




Papago Woman with Wood- 
carrying Basket. 



in 1539, and there they have remained, a peaceable and friendly 
people. Their chief products are wheat, barley, beans and 
melons. The women are very industrious, not only attending 
to their household duties, but making basket trays of unusual 
merit. Pottery of attractive forms, usually of red ware with 
decoration in black, is made by the women, with the most 
primitive tools. Their low, dome-shaped huts are about 
twenty feet in diameter , and are built of reeds and mud, 
thatched with tule or wheat straw. The more advanced Pima 
makes a comfortable house of adobe, with windows and doors. 

In burial, with few exceptions, the Pima Indians wrap the 
body in a blanket. In excavating the earth for the grave they 
dig until they have reached a depth of about six feet ; then they 
burrow under at one side about two feet, where the body is 
placed with some food and water. They often bury the personal 
belongings with the body. They then burn the house, after 
which the friends and neighbors kill and eat the cattle belonging 
to the deceased. 



Two reservations have been set aside for the Papago. One 
of about 70,000 acres lies eight miles south of Tucson in Pima 
county, Arizona. The other reservation, six miles square, is 
% x at Gila Bend, in Maricopa county, Arizona, on the 
\ ' Gila River, about forty miles below the junction of 
, the Gila and Salt Rivers and about forty miles west 



PAPAGO 




of Maricopa. There are not 
more than seventy-five Papago 
Indians on this reservation. 



More than three centuries ago 
Spanish explorers came in con- 
tact with the Papago Indians, 
and over two centuries ago 
missions among them were 
established. On the reserva- 
tion south of Tucson is the fine 
old mission of San Xavier del 
Bac, built by the Jesuits in 
1668. This church, in the 
Saracenic style of architecture, 
is considered one of the most 



Papago Maidens at Weil 



beautiful and picturesque edifices of the kind in the United 
States. The front facade is richly ornamented with fanciful 
decorations in masonry. A lofty bell tower rises at each corner, 
while over the main chapel in the rear is a large dome. The 
interior walls are richly decorated and painted in bright colors, 
with many paintings in fresco. 

The Papago are little below the average in stature. The 
women allow the hair to grow long and let it hang, braided or 
loose, down the back. The men all wear the civilized dress; 
the women also wear dresses similar to those worn by the whites, 
but ordinarily go barefooted. The men are truthful and reliable, 
and the women virtuous. They are nominally Catholics. The 
Papago women manufacture pottery similar to that made by 
the Pima and Maricopa. They also make for their own use a 
very attractive basket tray of willow wrappings with black 
designs, which is very much like the basketry of the Pima and 
Maricopa. Ready sale is found both for the pottery and 
baskets. 

About two-thirds of the houses on the reservation are of 
adobe, the remainder being constructed of a dome-shaped frame- 
work of mesquite saplings, thatched with coarse grass or bushes. 
They are from fifteen to twenty feet in diameter and about 
six feet high, the doorway being a simple opening two feet wide 
and a little more in height. There are no other openings, such 
as smoke holes and windows. Invariably a three-pronged post, 
holding a large olla of porous ware containing water, is seen 
near each house. The water is usually cool and pleasant by 
reason of the slow exudation and evaporation in the dry air. 



Tribes of Southeastern California 



Mono — Yokutch — Tulare — Kaweah — Squaw Valley — Kings River Canyon 
— Mill Creek — Mono — Moqelumnian — Yosemite — Aplatchi 

ITH the reminder that the tribes of southern 
California, usually known as the Mission Indians, 
are considered as deserving more extended notice 
in another place, we have yet to visit a number 
of extremely interesting bands of Indians 
dwelling to the east of the Santa Fe, between 
the Tehachapi range and the American River. 
All these tribes are expert basket-makers and 
retain many curious aboriginal customs. They dwell in a 
country hardly excelled in the west for rugged mountainous 
beauty. As in preceding chapters, the tribes will be considered, 
so far as practicable, according to their linguistic affinity. 

Shoshonean Stock 

We may continue our journey westward, taking the Unlim- 
ited in the evening at The Needles, and leaving the train at the 
station of Caliente on the morning of the next day. Here we 
are near the foot of the Tehachapi range and about twenty-five 
miles south of Bakersfield. By taking a two.-horse stage it is 
possible to reach Amalie postoffice the same day. 

MONOS 

These are descendants of bands of marauding Paiutes which, 
about a century ago, swarmed westward through the several low 
passes of the Sierras and conquered the Yokutch in Tulare 

205 




basin. As the Spaniards began settling Kern, Tulare and Fresno 
counties, the Monos gradually retreated up the rivers until at the 
present day we find them in wild fastnesses remote from civiliza- 
tion. 

The word Mono means fly, and is a nickname, applied by the 
Yokutch, who say they look like flies clinging to the cliffs above. 
In return, the Mono call the lowland people Talubi or ants, as 
they roam about the plains below. On account of the exclusive- 
ness of the Mono tribes, their customs and arts have been less 
contaminated than either the lowland or the desert people, 
though they have been largely modified by both these aboriginal 
sources. In their basketry you will find Piaute patterns inter- 
woven with the most suitable Yokutch material. About the 
rarest basket found south of San Francisco comes from the 
people about Walkers Pass, who often use split quills for pat- 
terns, the flicker tails for red and the crow tails for an ivory 
white. 

Mariposan Stock 

YOKUTCH 

Returning to Caliente the journey is continued to Bakers- 
field, where excellent livery service can be had. Our destination 
now is Rancho Tijon, with its hacienda of adobe, built in the 
early forties after the Mexican style. Near by are groves of 
citrus and other fruits, and outlying thousands of acres ascend- 
ing the Coast Range slopes are well stocked with cattle. Four 
miles from the dwelling is Tijon pass, within whose rocky wall 
are sheltered the remnants of some four tribes of Yokutch, and 
two or more alien tribes which have wandered north from San 
Gabriel Mission of Los Angeles county. There are about forty 
individuals in all, who are compelled to use the Spanish tongue 

as a medium of inter- 
communication. 
These peoples are in- 
deed driven to the 
wall, where food is 
scant and must be 
continually battled 
for. Some fine 
specimens of basketry 




Fresno County Women Preparing Seeds for Food. 



have been obtained here, though the uncertainty of the find 
always adds zest to such a quest. 

Returning to Bakersfield, a few hours' ride on the Santa Fe 
takes you to Hanford. A team may be had for a drive of ten 
miles southwest to a small rancheria near the shores of Tulare 
Lake, where is located another band of Yokutch. These people 
are very poor and must trust to fishing and small game, com- 
bined with the seeds from various semi-aquatic plants, for a 
livelihood. Their houses are generally extremely rude, built of 
poles thrust into the ground and covered with tule mats. 

Tule Reservation 

From Hanford a branch road may be taken to Porterville, 
Tulare county, from which point Tule River Reservation, 
twenty miles up the south fork of Tule river, may easily be 
reached within twenty-four hours. Within the reservation sub- 
stantial houses may be found scattered along both sides of the 
river. Two miles further up the river is the residence of the 
Government agent, Major Jesse Hinkle, a kind and watchful 
overseer of the one hundred and sixty Indians in his charge. 

Every basket-lover has heard of the Tulare baskets, and here 
is the principal place of their manufacture. In the narrow, 
rocky canyon are congregated relics of five Yokutch tribes 
native to the adjoining plains, a few from two hill tribes and one 
individual, old Salt Lake Pete, whose forefathers were born at 
this place. Their several dialects have fused into one common 
medium, but each retains a certain individuality. For a perfect 
type of the Yokutch art, one must search for an ancient yet 
sprightly black squaw who can not speak English and who 
sucks her acorn mush from a finger spoon. Her labors, good 
or indifferent, are sincere, embodying the motif, the traditional 
essence of tribal basket lore. 

Tulare Baskets 

This is a term applied indiscriminately by dealers to any 
aboriginal ware found within two hundred miles of Tulare Lake, 
when as a matter of fact there are three types of basketry within 
this territory, each as characteristic as its makers. The 
Tulare basket is made by the Yokutch people only, who are 
native to Tulare basin and the low hills on its eastern border. 



207 




Poma Basket Weaver. 



It is a tightly bound coil of a 
rich ecru color, whose bichrome 
patterns of red and black are 
inwoven in horizontal bands. 
Vertically grouped patterns are 
unusual, and spiral patterns 
are not found. Jay bird or 
quail crests are usually found 
ornamenting the peripheries 
of vase-shaped baskets ; also a 
fringe of red yarn. A favorite 
Yokutch pattern, both here 
and on Kings and Kaweah 
Rivers, consists of one or more 
bands of concentric diamonds, symbols of the markings on a 
rattlesnake. Another pattern commonly seen is a circle of human 
figures dancing around the body of the specimen. A third type 
comes from the Paiutes of Inyo county, in which is a willow 
background, of color according to age, ranging from a woody 
white to mahogany, with sooty patterns woven either from 
charcoal dyed strips of willow or from pods of the devil's thorn. 
Good specimens from this source are not at all common, especially 
those having quill work, and are desirable more for their rarity 
than for their beauty. The third and by far the most prolific 
source of the so-called "Tulare basket" is the Mono. This type 
is a close woven, firm, thin walled coil of creamy (because young) 
carex roots, with patterns in which black and several shades of 
red usually predominate. The tall bowls from eastern Kern county 
beautified by polychrome designs, either vertical or spiral, 
are probably the most esthetic product of the North American 
Indians, and in this comparison are included the superb work of 
the Poma in Mendocino county, California. In methods and 
weaving techic the Poma are peerless, but as their symbolism 
is confined to monochrome (feathers not considered), much is 
lost in artistic effect. 

The simplest and more commonly seen symbol among the 
various Mono tribes is a black wavy line encircling the basket. 



Kaweah 

From Porterville the train takes you up the valley in two 
hours to Visalia, the county seat. Twenty miles eastward takes 
you over a level road through Lemon Cove, with its citrus 
orchards, across the Kaweah River and to a cluster of Yokutch 
cabins perched on a hill beyond. One may not find much, yet 
some handsome things have come from this region. Pottery 
and stoneware are in common use. 

Squaw Valley 

You have now the choice of returning to Visalia or going 
northward over fair mountain roads by a much more circuitous 
route. This latter will repay you, for within a few hours you 
reach Squaw Valley, see the little Yokutch rancheria in its west- 
ern edge, thence passing down to Mill Creek and up its stream to 
Dunlap and Millwood. Within a few miles of the mill are the 
homes of a tribe of Monos. They are fine weavers, and samples 
of their work may be had. 

From Millwood eastward, up the mountain overlooking Kings 
River, is a fine new Government trail leading to the wonder- 
ful Kings River Canyon, a place comparatively little known, but 
a most stupendously wild and deep rift in the Sierras, made by 
prehistoric glaciers, a rival in many ways — perhaps the peer of 
Yosemite. One dome reaches five thousand feet, apparently 
perpendicular above the bank of Kings River. An expert 
explorer can by judicious labor ascend a branch of this stream 
to its source on the summit of Mt. Goddard at an altitude of 
fourteen thousand feet. A rude but comfortable hotel is now 
open to tourists in the Great canyon, and good fishing and 
hunting may be found. 

Mill Creek 

The return must be made by the same route as far as Squaw 
Valley. There you are within easy reach of a railroad; for 
going west you descend rapidly to the plains, across Kings River 
bridge to Sanger. However, you may wish to go a little out of 
the way, before reaching the bridge, by turning north and follow- 
ing up this noble river to the mouth of Mill Creek, the home of 
about thirty-five Yokutch Indians. The usual routine of Indian 



209 



life is somewhat broken at this camp. They have lived too 
long by the side of ranches not to have adopted many white 
man's customs. Over the aboriginal red nature there has 
accumulated a thick coat of civilized whitewash. A number 
of their women weave baskets for the market, and as a rule they 
are fair representative specimens, but fine Yokutch types are 
exceptional. 

While on a trip of this kind do not forget to sample the 
various aboriginal foods before you. They are as a rule perfectly 
clean and nutritious, and some are delicious to a hungry man. 
Squirrels are drawn and thrown into the embers till thoroughly 
singed, then roasted in hot ashes. A fat ground-squirrel pre- 
pared thus is much like the eastern "possum." Braized rabbit 
with acorn mush is really excellent eating at times. Toasted 
laurel nuts eaten with fresh clover are not at all bad, while 
manzanita cider, made in your presence in truly Indian style, 
and flavored with charnit seed meal is a drink both gratifying 
and unique. 

Mono (Shoshonean) 

At Visalia you take a stage northward on a longer and more 
adventurous trip, via Letcher postofhce, about twenty miles 
distant, near which are a few valley Indians. Mr. William 
Hogue can here furnish outfit with guide and pack animals, 
when the journey is continued to Burrough valley, twelve miles 
further to the east, all over excellent roads. From this valley 
you begin a rough but delightful climb about the mountains 
frowning over Sycamore, Fandango, Big, Haslett and Secate 
creeks. Along each of these streams, separated by lofty ridges, 
are small sequestered valleys occupied by Monos, where the 
sight of a white face is very rare, and a wagon unknown. 

There is not a spot in California more beautiful than Fan- 
dango Cove. Its natives are friendly in manner and primitive 
in habits, and they listen to the English language with the 
curiosity and naivete of children. Secate Basin is only about 
twelve miles, as the crow flies, from Millwood, but a world of 
canyons and impassable streams, notably Kings River, lie 
between, thus compelling a long detour. 

Jose is part of that strip protected by the Government, 
extending along the Sierras through more than a half dozen 

210 



counties, and called the Forest 
Reserve. Its sanctity is secure 
against the ravages of the ax and 
the shepherd, presenting to the 
Monos a haven of security and an 
abundance of nature's foods. In 
a cove somewhat less tilted than 
others along Rushing creek are 
about fifty descendants of that 
band of Paiute invaders which 
came over through the San Joaquin 
pass. They are unusually primi- 
tive in habits, civil, but guarded 
toward strangers. Among them 

are two ancient bow makers. A few 7 uLare Woman M illin ^ Tuk 
also understand the art of making stone pots and cider tureens 
of oak, while nearly all the women weave baskets. The red bud 
does not grow well at this altitude, hence monochrome patterns 
are the rule, but wonderful effects are produced with the brake 
root in skilled hands, as some specimens from this place have 
proved. 

A good road begins two miles from Jose village up the slope 
and strikes the county road near Orrin postoffice on the ridge, 
but a nearer and more picturesque route is the mesa trail west- 
ward along and overlooking the Great canyon. After seven 
miles of pine forests and chaparral thicket you come upon a 
bench, and isolated huts begin to appear. Investigation may 
handsomely reward any curiosity as to their contents. On 
rounding a spur two miles further, the trail is diverted by a side 
canyon, across which houses are seen on the hillside. Heading 
the canyon, you emerge from the forest suddenly into another 
Mono village. Scattered within a mile's radius are more huts, 
and to the west on the main road is the Big Sandy village. 

You are now within fifteen miles of Letcher postoffice, your 
starting point. Here you have a bird's-eye view of the plains 
around Fresno. The return to civilization is a matter of a few 
hours, or another expedition very similar to that just finished 
will take you northward into Madera county. Consult your 
guide and if your pack is short in any respect, you may go on 
via Auberry valley, see the few Yokutch on Tule Mountain and 



211 



refit at the town of Pollasky, the terminus of a branch railroad. 
Billy Walker lives there, and can drive you all over Madera 
county behind his thoroughbreds. A start from Big Sandy, 
however, has fifty miles advantage over the detour mentioned, 
and the road at once plunges down the mountain to the right 
from Hoskin's ranch to the San Joaquin River. The bridge 
across the river is wooden, and held up by four great chains 
anchored to either bank. Like many other rivers, parallel to 
this one, crossings are difficult because of the extreme depth and 
the swiftness of the current, thus rendering boats and ferries 
impracticable, while bridges are rare. The Indians cross by 
means of a cable made from the bark of the Fremontii Cali- 
fornica tree, stretched just above the water, and along which 
they cling and pull themselves across. Such a cable bridge is still 
in use further up the river. 

The trail leaves the road near the chain bridge and turns 
sharply northeast, until, after a three miles' climb, it passes 
over a ridge and along the North Fork. The Monos in the 
neighborhood are much scattered, living only on spots where 
alluvium and water can be found for their truck gardens. The 
trail continues eastward near the range summit, parallel with the 
river, which is in view almost continually some four thousand 
feet down the slope, till a crest shuts out the grand panorama 
to the south and walls one in by the dense foliage of spruce, 
pine, oak, cedar and multitudes of flowering shrubs which con- 
tinue for miles, emerging suddenly into a clearing with its farm 
houses. Cal Ross has lived here almost alone for forty years, 
his only neighbors being the Indians. The rancheria is a short 
distance away and deserves several days' stay to visit the dozen 
or more houses. Just over the ridge, east four miles, is another 
large village of Monos, which, in rude primitiveness, is typical 
of the villages of these mountain peoples. Near by is the Ross 




ranch and its owners, Mr. and 
Mrs. Hallock, who will give 
you a substantial welcome. 
There are few spots on earth 
more grateful to the eye, nose 
and lungs than this warm, dry, 
light air, sweet with balsamic 
breezes and the songs of birds. 




Mono Woman Harvesting Seeds. 



Grass and flowers are perennial. Wild 
game is often seen and every large 
stream holds rainbow trout. Across 
the great canyon to the south rises 
Mt. Kaiser to the height of eleven 
thousand feet, and to the northeast 
Mt. Shuteye and its fellows. A fair 
trail passes east by Jackass Meadows, 
Devil's Post Pile, and over the Sierra 
range by Mammoth Hot Springs into 
Mono county among the Paiutes. 

The return from Ross ranch to a 
railroad at Pollasky can be made in a Mono Basket Prizes Won at Gambling. 
day, but after seeing the Monos 

around the town of North Fork you may again turn northward 
at Fine Gold, and find comfortable quarters at the hotel at 
Coarse Gold. The little valleys in the neighborhood hold one 
or more Indian families and Pickayunne, three miles away, 
is a village of Yokutch people of the Chukchansi tribe', 
refugees from their old home, further toward the plains. 
They present a contrast to the Monos, being larger and 
darker, more taciturn and sophisticated in civilized methods. 
You are now on graded country roads and meet teams and 
white people almost hourly. The town of Fresno Flats is eight 
miles to the north and near Beso, a collection of Indians akin 
to those at Pickayunne; several miles further north you strike 
the Yosemite stage road and stop at Ahwanee station, where 
the best awaits the tired and hungry. 

Your guide now may have wandered beyond his ken; so 
telephone to Raymond for Tom Leonard and his buckboard. 
He knows every Indian this side of Sonora and the shortest way 
to reach him. In the meanwhile you may visit a number of 
camps in the neighborhood, especially those on Chowchilly 
River, where, side by side, live a few Yokutch with frontier mem- 
bers of the once warlike Miwok tribes. 

Moquelumnian Stock 

The Chowchilly River forms the southern boundary of the 
Miwok or Moquelumnians, whose territory once extended north- 
ward beyond San Francisco Bay. Their language and basketry 

213 




present a striking contrast to that of both the Yokutch and 
Mono. The coarse twine-woven utensils for house use continue 
about the same, but the coil weaves are thick-walled, heavier 
and more ponderous than those of any other Indian family 
living north of Tehachapi pass. No delicate, flexible weaving 
materials are indigenous to the soil, such as carex, thus com- 
pelling the use of chaparral and other comparatively coarser 
wefts. The word handsome describes the best examples of 
Mi wok work, found in great ceremonial tubs and tureens, three 
feet in diameter and configured in red bud bark, with symbolic 
patterns. 

Awahnee is about a day's ride from Yosemite, but by going 
on direct you will miss four important tribal settlements of the 
Miwok people, near the town of Mariposa. The county road to 
Mariposa requires a day's travel and another day may be 
profitably spent on Bear creek and around Rancheria flat. 
Passing north through Bear Valley and across the Merced 
River by the usual slide-down and climb-out process so pic- 
turesque to the tourist and exhausting to teams, you reach 
Coulterville before bedtime. 



Yosemite 

From Coulterville, a point on the daily Yosemite stage line 
from Merced on the Santa Fe, the graded stage road climbs 
eastward for six miles to a ridge. On descending, the first 
view is caught, perfectly outlined in the blue haze, of the great 
walls of Yosemite fifty miles ahead. This road emphasizes the 
characteristics of the Sierra's highways, being a succession of 
long climbs around the slopes of pine clad ranges, sharp descents 
intof apparently bottomless gorges and occasionally a level 
stretch across a meadow. At Bowers Cave station a turn to the 
right leads down to Bull Creek five miles, to a colony of thirty 
Moquelumnians. Among them are two Awanichi, almost the 
sole survivors of that tribe once owning Yosemite Valley, and 

who so fiercely defended their 
homes to the last. During the 
tourist's season the Bull Creeks 
nail up their huts and move in a 
body into the great valley, finding 

214 




M oquelumnian Ceremonial House, Big 
Creek, Tuolumne County. 



I 

! 



ready sale for their beadwork and other relics, while the men 
supply the hotels with trout at good figures. 

After miles of corkscrew descent the last grade faces a wall 
of granite on one side and on the other overlooks the torrent of 
the Merced River. As the valley floor is gained at its lower end, 
several miles further, the view opens upon the most stupendous 
region in California. 

A band of Monos cross the Sierras every year and bring in a 
pack train of their wares to sell to tourists, and it is curious to see 
the meetings between the Moquelumnians and their hereditary 
enemies. Time and the white man have forced a peace between 
them, a neutrality marked by excessive suavity, but with a 
heart of bitterness to the end. 

Aplatchi 

It is about fifty miles by stage from the valley to Groveland 
Hotel, and two miles distant is Big Creek rancheria, the home 
of about forty Indians who belonged to tribes once living within 
a half day's ride to the south. As the majority of these people 
belong to the Aplatchi tribe from the lower Merced, they have 
placed their hereditary chief, known as Captain Tom, in charge 
of the entire settlement. The dialects of the several tribal 
mixtures have become blended into a common medium of 
speech. In the center of the village stands a council house, 
built of sawed lumber, with modern tools, yet resembling in 
form their ancient hung-y, which was constructed by planting 
a circle of forty-foot long poles and bringing their upper ends 
together, thus forming a cone. Layers of pine bark over these 
insured a warm, dry, and well- ventilated 
house. The only means of ingress was a 
covered hallway or tunnel on the west 
side, a kind of double door. This style of 
architecture prevails with slight variation 
throughout the Sierra and Cascade Mount- 
ains and answers the Indians' needs far more 
effectually than any product of civilization. 
Nearby is an acorn crib, thatched with 
grass and, as usual, set up on stilts to keep 
out rodents. The same type of baskets is 

215 



Harvesting M anzanita Berries, 
Mono, Hookers Cove, 

Mmlrrn Cnnufv 




found here as among the other Mi woks, and the same 
opportunity is afforded of finding a stray piece of Mono work 
or even a fine specimen of lowland carex wefts. 




216 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 



CHAPTER I. 

Brinton, D G. — " The American Race." New York, 1891. 

This book by America's greatest anthropologist gives probably the 
best resume of the peoples of America. 
Powell, J. W. — " Indian Linguistic Families of America, North of Mex- 
ico." Seventh Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1885-1886. 
An authoritative classification, based on language, by the distinguished 
founder and director of the Bureau of Ethnology. 
Wright, C. D. — " Report on Indians Taxed and Indians not Taxed." 
Eleventh Census; 1890. 1894. 
A vast storehouse of information concerning the Indians of all parts 
of the United States. 
Mooney, James — " The Ghost Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreaks 
of 1890." Fourteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1892- 
1893. 

This important book, by one of the best authorities on the general 
ethnology of America, is invaluable, and contains a wealth of informa- 
tion on many tribes not found elsewhere. 

" Calendar History of the Kiowa Indians." Seventeenth 

Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1898. 
Monographic in character and of great value. 
Clark, W. P.— " The Indian Sign Language." Philadelphia, 1885. 

A book of the highest value, encyclopedic in character. 
Dorsey, G. A. — " The Arapaho Sun Dance." Anthropological Series, Field 
Columbian Museum, Vol. IV, 1903- 
An extended account, profusely illustrated, of the greatest ceremony 
of the Plains Indians. 
Dorsey, G. A., and Kroeber, A. L.— " Traditions of the Arapaho." Anthro- 
pological Series, Field Columbian Museum, Vol. V, 1903. 
An extensive collection of the myths of a Great Plains tribe. 
Grin nell, G. B.— " Pawnee Hero Stories and Folk Tales." New York, 
1893. 

An interesting book by a good friend of the Indian. 

CHAPTER II. 

Winsor, Justin.— " Narrative and Critical History of America." Boston, 
1889, Vols. I and II. 
Indispensable for the student of the Southwest. 
Winship, G. P. — "The Coronado Expedition, 1 540-1 542." Fourteenth 
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1896. 
Probably the most valuable historical work on the Southwest yet 
written; has many maps and illustrations and a valuable bibliog- 
raphy. 



217 



Bandelier, A. F. — " Final Report of Investigations Among the Indians 
of the Southwestern United States." Papers of the Archaeological 
Institute of America. Part I, 1890; Part II, 1892. 

Donaldson, Thomas. — " Moqui Pueblos of Arizona and Pueblos of New 
Mexico. Eleventh Census of the United States, Extra Census 
Bulletin, 1893. 

Profusely illustrated and with much valuable information, but must 
be read with caution, as it contains many unverified statements. 
Whipple, A. W., Ewbank, Thomas, and Turner, W. W. — " Report on 
the Indian Tribes, Exploration and Surveys for the Railroad 
Route," Vol. Ill, 1856. 
Early and valuable account of nearly all tribes of Arizona and New 
Mexico. Many illustrations in colors. 
Lummis, C. F. — "A Tramp Across the Continent." New York, 1892. 

An entertaining account of the author's personal impressions. Con- 
tains valuable notes of the pueblos of San Ildefonso, Tesuque, Isleta, 
Laguna, Acoma and the Navaho, Walpi and Mohave. 

" Some Strange Corners of Our Country." New York, 1892. 

Much interesting information concerning the cliff and plain ruins of 
New Mexico and Arizona, the Hopi and other pueblos, and the 
Navaho. 

CHAPTER III. 

Mason, O. T. — " The Technic of Aboriginal American Basketry." Amer- 
ican Anthropologist (N. S.), Vol. Ill, 1902. 
A complete and illustrated exposition of the types and varieties of 
weaves by America's greatest authority on basketry. 
James, G. W. — " Indian Basketry." New York, 1901. 

The best popular work on the subject in existence. 
Cushing, F. H. — " A Study of Pueblo Pottery." Fourth Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology, i882-'83. 
An exhaustive and invaluable paper on primitive ceramics, based 
chiefly upon the author's investigations at Zufii. 
Holmes, W. H. — - " Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos." Fourth Report of 

the Bureau of Ethnology, i882-'83. 
Mathews, Washington. — " Navajo Weavers." Third Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology, i88i-'82. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Bandelier, A. F. — " Sedentary Indians of New Mexico." Papers of the 
Archaeological Institute of America. American Series, Vol. I, 1881. 

" The Delight Makers." New York, 1890. 

— — "The Gilded Man." New York, 1893. 

Lummis, C. F. — " The Spanish Pioneers." Chicago, 1893. 

" The Man Who Married the Moon," and other Pueblo Indian 

folk stories. New York, 1894. 



218 



CHAPTER V. 



Nordenskiold, Gustav.— " The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, South- 
Western Colorado, Their Pottery and Implements." Stockholm, 
1894. 

In every respect a handsome and remarkable book, presenting the 
most complete and valuable account of the cliff dwellers yet produced. 
Mindeleff, Cosmos.— " The Cliff Ruins of Canyon De Chelly, Arizona." 

Sixteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, i894-'95. 

CHAPTER VI. 

Stevenson, Matilda Coxe. — " The Sia." Eleventh Report of the Bureau 
of Ethnology, i889-'9o. 
The only extended account of any of the Rio Grande pueblos by a 
scientific observer. 
Lummis, C. F. — " The Land of Poco-Tiempo." New York, 1897. 

This interesting volume contains much information concerning the 
pueblos of New Mexico, especially Cochiti, Isleta and Acoma. 
See also references to Chapter IV. 

CHAPTER VII. 

Lummis, C. F. — "A New Mexican David." New York, 1891. 

Contains the legend of the Enchanted Mesa, an account of Acoma 
and a description of a rabbit hunt at Laguna and the game of patol 
at Isleta. 

Hodge, F. W. — " Ascent of the Enchanted Mesa," Century Magazine. 

An interesting and popular account of the author's experiences, with 
conclusions as to the trustworthiness of the Acoma legend concerning 
the former occupation of the summit as a village site. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Bandelier, A. F. — " An Outline of the Documentary History of the Zufii 
Tribe." Journal of American Ethnology and Archeology. Vol. 
Ill, 1892. 

Cushing, F. H. — "A Study of Pueblo Pottery as Illustrative of Zufii Cul- 
ture Growth." Fourth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, i882-'83- 

" Outlines of Zufii Creation Myths." Thirteenth Report of the 

Bureau of Ethnology, 1 891 -'92. 

" My Adventures in Zufii." Century Magazine, Vol. 26, 1893. 

" Zufii Folk Tales." New York and London, 1901. 

One of the most delightful collections of folk tales ever printed. 

Fewkes, J. W. — " A Few Summer Ceremonials at Zufii Pueblo." Journal 
of American Ethnology and Anthropology, Vol. I, 1891. 

Hodge, F. W. — " The First Discovered City of Cibola." American Anthro- 
pologist, Vol. 8, 1895. 

Proctor, Edna Dean. — "The Song of the Ancient People." Boston, 1893. 



219 



CHAPTER IX. 



Bourke, J. G.— " The Snake Dance of the Moquis." New York, 1884. 

The first extended account of this well-known ceremony; contains 
also valuable observations on many phases of Hopi life, including 
interesting descriptions of the country. 



CHAPTER X. 

Mindeleff, Cosmos. — " House-building by Ritual." Scientific American, 
Vol. LXX-VIII, 1897. 
Ceremonies of building houses in Hopi villages, with an account of 
the social condition of women. 

" Pueblo Arts and Industries." Scientific American, Vol. 

LXXIX, 1898. 
Basket and pottery making among the Hopi. 
Hough, Walter. — " Environmental Relations in Arizona." American 
Anthropologist (o. s.), Vol. II, 1898. 
List of food plants known to the Hopi, with notes as to their use 
and employment as medicine. 
Voth, H. R. — " Oraibi Marriage Customs." American Anthropologist 
(o. s.), Vol. II, 1890. 
A full and interesting account. 
Vroman, A. C. — " The Moki Pueblos." Photo Era, January, 1901. 

A popular account of Walpi, illustrated with half-tones from the 
author's superb set of Southwestern photographs. 



CHAPTER XI. 

Fewkes, J. W. — "The Tusayan Ritual: A Study of the Influence of 
Environment on Aboriginal Cults." Report of the Smitlisonian 
Institution, 1895. 

An examination of the religious ideas of the Tusayan Indians and 
an account of the Snake Dance and the Lalakonti ceremonies to illus- 
trate the effect of arid environment. 

■ " Morphology of Tusayan Altars." American Anthropologist , 

Vol. X, 1897- 

An examination of the symbolism of Katcina, Flute and Antelope- 
Snake altars to discover the dominating elements of the ritual — desire 
for rain and abundant crops. 
" The Sacrificial Element in Hopi Worship." Journal of Ameri- 
can Folk Lore, Vol. X, 1897. 
Discusses the place of sacrifice in the Hopi religious system and its 
relation to prayer, with notices of Katcina images and prayer-sticks. 



220 



CHAPTER XII. 



Dorsey, G. A., and Voth, H. R. — " The Oraibi Soyal Ceremony." Anthropo- 
logical Series, Field Columbian Museum, Vol. Ill, No. i, 1901. 
Voth, H. R. — " The Oraibi Powamu Ceremony." Anthropological Series, 
Field Columbian Museum, Vol. Ill, No. 2, 1901. 
Full account of this elaborate ceremony, with songs and speeches 
and valuable illustrations. The most complete account of a Hopi cere- 
mony yet published. 
Fewkes, J. W. — " Provisional List of Annual Ceremonies at Walpi." 
Internationales Archiv fur Ethnographie, Vol. VIII, 1895. 
Brief analysis of Hopi ceremonial calendar year. 

" Hopi Basket Dances." Journal of American Folk Lore, Vol. 

XII, 1899. 

" The Owakulti Altar at Sichomovi Pueblo." American Anthro- 
pologist (o. s.), Vol. Ill, 1 90 1. 

" Tusayan Katcinas." Fifteenth Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology, 1897. 

A valuable classification and outline of Hopi ceremonies. Illustrated. 

" Dolls of the Tusayan Indians." Internationales Archiv fur 

Ethnographie, Vol. VII, 1894. 
Description of dolls or tihus of the Hopi, with account of Tusayan 
stone idols. Illustrated by forty-two colored plates. 
" A Few Summer Ceremonials at the Tusayan Pueblos." Jour- 
nal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, Vol. IV, 1892. 
Contains a great deal of valuable information concerning the Hopi, 
in addition to descriptions of several Katcina dances and the Niman 
ceremony. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Fewkes, J. W. — "The Oraibi Flute Altar." Journal of American Folk 
Lore, Vol. Ill, 1895. 
Description of the Blue and Drab Flute Altars of Oraibi and of the 
Walpi snake dance of 1895. 
"The Snake Ceremonies at Walpi." Journal of American Eth- 
nology and Archaeology, Vol. IV, 1894. 
The first elaborate description of the Snake- Antelope ceremonies. 
Will remain the standard account for the First Mesa; contains many 
illustrations and full bibliography. 

" Tusayan Snake Ceremonies." Sixteenth Report of the Bureau 

of Ethnology, i894-'9S. 
Brief description of the Shipalovi, Shumopavi and Oraibi ceremonies; 
relation to Keresan dance. 
Dorsey, G. A. and Voth, H. R. — " The Antelope-Snake Ceremonies at 
Mishongnovi." Anthropological Series, Field Columbian Museum, 
Vol. Ill, No. 3, 1902. 
A complete and detailed account of the performances of 1901. Fully 
illustrated. 



221 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Mindeleff, Cosmos. — "Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona." 
Thirteenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, i89i-'92. 
A full and illustrated account of this interesting and little-known 
region; valuable. 

Fewkes, J. W.—" Archaeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895." Seven- 
teenth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1899. 
Elaborate account of results of excavations at Sikyatki and other 
ruins, with abundant illustrations in color. The most important and 
valuable paper on Hopi archeology yet produced. 

" Preliminary Account of an Expedition to the Cliff Villages of 

the Red Rock country and the Tusayan ruins of Sikyatki and 
Awatobi, Arizona, in 1895." Report Smithsonian Institution, 1895. 

" Expedition to the Pueblo Ruins near Winslow, Arizona." 

Report Smithsonian Institution, 1896. 

CHAPTER XV. 

Mathews, Washington. — "The Mountain Chant: A Navajo Ceremony." 
Fifth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, i883-'84. 
A nine-day medicine ceremony, with four sand mosaics in color. 
"Navajo Legends." Me moirs of the American Folk Lore Soci- 
ety, Vol. V, 1897. 
A most interesting book by the greatest authority on the Navaho, 
with illustrations and a valuable introduction, forming the best account 
of this tribe to be found in print. 

"Navajo Weavers." Third Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 

i88i-'82. 

Describes in detail the various processes of weaving, dyeing, etc. 
Stevenson, James. — " Ceremonial of Hasjelti Dailjis, a Mythical Sand 
Painting of the Navajo Indians." Eighth Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, i886-'87. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Bourke, J. G. — " The Medicine Men of the Apache." Ninth Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology, i887-'88. 
A valuable and well-illustrated account of one of the most interesting 
phases of aboriginal life in America. 
Browne, J. R. — "Adventures in the Apache Country." New York, 1869. 
A popular book, with no pretense to scientific statement. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

McGee, W J — "The Seri Indians." Seventeenth report of the Bureau 
of Ethnology, 1898. 
An elaborate and detailed account of one of the least-known tribes of 
the Southwest. A model anthropologic monograph. 



222 



Parker, J. G. — " Report of Explorations from Pimas Villages to Rio 
Grande." Exploration and surveys for the Pacific Railroad, Vol. 
VII, 1857. 

Trippell, E. J.— " The Yuma Indians." The Overland Monthly, Nos. 78 
and 79, 1889. 

An interesting and valuable account, profusely illustrated. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Powers, Stephen. — " Tribes of California." Contributions to North 
American Ethnology, Vol. Ill, 1897. 
An interesting and valuable work; contains many important illus- 
trations. 




Indian Silversmith . 



223 



Ad. 75. 17640-2-21-03-1 5M. 




mm 



! 



AUG 14 189* 




LB N '04 



